Archive pour la catégorie ‘Psychanalyse Psychanalysis’

Depression in America

Dimanche 3 octobre 2010

The Journal of the American Medical Association published a special issue on depression in mid-June. The lead article detailed the results of the National Comorbidity Survey Replication. Although its results were announced as news, the replication actually found largely the same results, and trends, as prior studies of depression.

More Americans report being depressed. We have had a revolution in the United States in identifying and treating depression, searching for its genetic causes and developing new families of antidepressant drugs. Yet we see no reduction in depression. In the recent Comorbidity Survey, 6.6 percent (about 14 million Americans) had a serious depressive episode in the previous year, while more than 16 percent (about 35 million) experienced such depression over their lifetimes. In the first Comorbidity survey 10 years earlier, this figure was less than 15 percent.

Younger Americans experience the most depression. A hoary debate is whether such increases represent actual changes in depression rates or just better identification and labeling of the malady. Yet, the increase in depression is most notable in the young (despite frequent claims that seniors are the group most liable to be depressed). In the current Comorbidity Survey, of those experiencing depression in the previous year, three times as many were in the youngest group (18 to 29) as the oldest (60-plus).

Many more Americans are being treated/medicated. The increase in Americans receiving treatment for depression is striking. Although only a third of those measured as depressed in the previous survey were treated, 57 percent received treatment in the recent study. This increase of almost 40 percent corresponds with data on the rapid, and continuing, growth in sales of antidepressant medications. In 2001, prescription medicine sales grew 17 percent or more in the United States for the fourth year in a row, with antidepressants leading the way (up $12.5 billion, more than 20 percent, in 2001).

The survey claims more people need to be treated with more medication. The thrust of the Comorbidity Survey (as expressed by its lead investigator, Ronald Kessler of the Harvard Medical School) is that although many more Americans were being treated, more people needed to receive treatment, and those entering treatment needed to receive more treatment, including more medication.

However, many people worry about the rapid growth in the psychiatric medication of Americans, especially the young. For example, a study published in 2003 (covering the years 1987 to 1996) found that 6.2 percent of children and adolescents took at least one psychiatric drug in 1996, compared with 2.5 percent in 1987. They were also being treated for longer with the medications.

Although these pediatric drugs included antipsychotics and Ritalin, in 2003 Prozac was approved for the first time for children age 7 through 17. This age group was not a part of the Comorbidity Survey, but will become the youngest cohort in the next replication. We might wonder whether there will be an even more noticeable surge in depression treatment with the 19-29 age group then.

Will the next survey likewise claim that greater numbers of people need to be treated for depression? Already, many observers are concerned about the psychomedication of young (and other) Americans. For example, the effects of these medications on young people have rarely been studied. According to Dr. James Leckman, professor of child psychiatry at the Yale School of Medicine, “we’re doing these experiments more or less with our own children.”

The Comorbidity Survey and its authors present a continuing portrait of Americans as requiring more and more treatment for depression. Most health professionals endorse this as an advance in public health, but nagging questions remain: Maybe the sources of depression are not under medical control and, by medicating growing numbers of Americans, we are masking the sources of their misery. In this view, encouraging people to recognize and treat the growing incidence of depression in the United States does not represent unalloyed cultural progress.

Depression in Deutschland

Dimanche 3 octobre 2010

Depressiv (lat. deprimere „niederdrücken“) bezeichnet umgangssprachlich einen Zustand psychischer Niedergeschlagenheit. In der Psychiatrie wird die Depression den affektiven Störungen zugeordnet. Im gegenwärtig verwendeten Klassifikationssystem psychischer und anderer Erkrankungen (ICD 10) lautet die Krankheitsbezeichnung depressive Episode oder rezidivierende (wiederkehrende) depressive Störung. Die Diagnose wird allein nach Symptomen und Verlauf gestellt. Zur Behandlung depressiver Störungen werden nach Aufklärung über die Ursachen und den Verlauf der Erkrankung Antidepressiva eingesetzt, aber auch ergänzend oder allein Psychotherapie, wie z. B. tiefenpsychologische oder verhaltenstherapeutische Verfahren.

Symptome
Die Krankheit Depression ist charakterisiert durch Stimmungseinengung (Verlust der Fähigkeit zu Freude oder Trauer; Verlust der affektiven Resonanz, d. h. der Patient ist durch Zuspruch nicht aufhellbar), Antriebshemmung, mit oder ohne Unruhe, Denkhemmung, Schlafstörungen. Diese Schlafstörungen sind Ausdruck eines gestörten 24-Stundenrhythmus. Häufig geht es dem Kranken in den frühen Morgenstunden so schlecht, dass er nicht mehr weiter schlafen kann. Liegt diese Form des gestörten chronobiologischen Rhythmus vor, fühlt sich der Patient am späten Nachmittag und Abend jeweils besser, bis dann einige Stunden nach Mitternacht die depressive Symptomatik in voller Stärke wieder einsetzt. Weitere Symptome können sein: übertriebene Sorge um die Zukunft, unter Umständen überbetonte Beunruhigung durch Bagatellstörungen im Bereich des eigenen Körpers (siehe Hypochondrie), das Gefühl der Hoffnungslosigkeit, Minderwertigkeit, Hilflosigkeit, sowie soziale Selbstisolation, Selbstentwertung und übersteigerte Schuldgefühle, dazu Müdigkeit, verringerte Konzentrations- und Entscheidungsfähigkeit, das Denken ist verlangsamt (Denkhemmung), sinnloses Gedankenkreisen (Grübelzwang), dazu Störungen des Zeitempfindens. Häufig bestehen Reizbarkeit und Ängstlichkeit. Negative Gedanken und Eindrücke werden über- und positive Aspekte nicht adäquat bewertet. Das Gefühlsleben ist eingeengt, was zum Verlust des Interesses an der Umwelt führen kann. Auch kann sich das sexuelle Interesse vermindern oder erlöschen (Libidoverlust). Bei einer schweren depressiven Episode kann der Erkrankte in seinem Antrieb so gehemmt sein, dass er nicht mehr einfachste Tätigkeiten, wie Körperpflege, Einkaufen oder Abwaschen verrichten kann. Der Schlaf ist nicht erquickend, das morgendliche Aufstehen bereitet Probleme (Morgentief; Tagesschwankungen). Bei einer seltenen Krankheitsvariante verhält es sich umgekehrt: Es tritt ein sogenanntes „Abendtief“ auf, d. h. die Symptome verstärken sich gegen Abend und das Einschlafen ist erschwert oder erst gegen Morgen möglich.

Depressive Erkrankungen gehen mit körperlichen Symptomen einher, sogenannten Vitalstörungen, wie Appetitlosigkeit, Schlafstörungen, Gewichtsabnahme, Gewichtszunahme („Kummerspeck“), häufig auch mit Schmerzen in ganz unterschiedlichen Körperregionen, am typischsten mit einem quälenden Druckgefühl auf der Brust.

Während einer depressiven Episode ist die Infektionsanfälligkeit erhöht.

Je nach Schwere einer Depression kann sie mit latenter oder akuter Suizidalität einhergehen. Es wird vermutet, dass der größte Teil der jährlich circa 12.000 Suizide in Deutschland auf Depressionen zurückzuführen ist.

Geschlechtsspezifische Unterschiede
Die Symptomatik einer Depression kann sich bei Frauen und Männern auf unterschiedliche Weise ausprägen. Bei den Kernsymptomen sind die Unterschiede gering. Während bei Frauen eher Phänomene wie Mutlosigkeit und Grübeln verstärkt zu beobachten sind, gibt es bei Männern jedoch deutliche Hinweise darauf, dass sich eine Depression auch in einer Tendenz zu aggressivem Verhalten niederschlagen kann.[1] In einer Untersuchung bei stationär behandelten Patienten fanden sich bei Männern neben einer vermehrten Klage über Schlaflosigkeit auch deutlich mehr Anzeichen von Reizbarkeit, Verstimmung, schnellem Aufbrausen, Wutanfällen, Unzufriedenheit mit sich und anderen, Neigung zu Vorwürfen und nachtragendem Verhalten, erhöhter Risikobereitschaft, exzessivem Sporttreiben, sozial unangepasstem Verhalten, ausgedehntem Alkohol- und Nikotinkonsum, sowie einem erhöhten Selbsttötungsrisiko.

Kinder und Jugendliche
Im Entwicklungsverlauf zeigt sich eine Depression in unterschiedlichen Symptomen und Ausprägungen, die grob in verschiedene Phasen zu unterscheiden sind. Ein Kleinkind im Alter von ein bis drei Jahren hat noch nicht die Fähigkeit, sich differenziert zu seinem Befinden zu äußern. Eine Depression erkennt man bei ihm an einem ausdruckslosen Gesicht, erhöhter Irritabilität, und einem gestörten Essverhalten. Das Kind wirkt insgesamt traurig und entwickelt ein selbststimulierendes Verhalten. Dabei besonders auffällig sind beispielsweise Jactatio capitis oder exzessives Daumenlutschen; auch kann genitale Selbstmanipulation früh einsetzen. Das Spielverhalten zeichnet sich durch mangelnde Kreativität oder verminderte Ausdauer aus. Auch kann das Kleinkind eine generelle Spielunlust oder eine generell mangelnde Phantasie entwickeln.

Vorschulkinder zeigen ein trauriges Gesicht und eine verminderte Mimik und Gestik. Sie sind leicht irritierbar und stimmungslabil. Sie können sich nicht freuen, und zeigen introvertiertes oder aggressives Verhalten. Sie sind weniger an motorischer Aktivität interessiert und können stark an Gewicht ab- oder zunehmen. Auch können sie eine Schlafstörung entwickeln. Sie können dann nicht ein- oder durchschlafen oder haben Albträume.

Schulkinder können meist schon verbal über ihre Traurigkeit berichten. Zusätzlich können sie Suizidgedanken und Schulleistungsstörungen entwickeln. Auch können sie Befürchtungen entwickeln, von ihren Eltern nicht genügend beachtet zu werden.

Jugendliche in der Pubertät zeigen häufig ein vermindertes Selbstvertrauen, sind apathisch, haben Ängste und Konzentrationsmängel. Auch Jugendliche können Leistungsstörungen entwickeln und zirkadiane Schwankungen des Befindens zeigen. Auch psychosomatische Störungen können hier Anzeichen für eine Depression sein. Jugendliche zeigen hierbei schon die Kriterien der depressiven Episode, wie sie bei Erwachsenen zu erkennen sind.[2]

Diagnose
Klassifikation nach ICD-10
F32.0 Leichte depressive Episode (Der Patient fühlt sich krank und sucht ärztliche Hilfe, kann aber trotz Leistungeinbußen seinen beruflichen und privaten Pflichten noch gerecht werden, sofern es sich um Routine handelt.)
F32.1 Mittelgradige depressive Episode (Berufliche oder häusliche Anforderungen können nicht mehr oder – bei Tagesschwankungen – nur noch zeitweilig bewältigt werden).
F32.2 Schwere depressive Episode ohne psychotische Symptome (Der Patient bedarf ständiger Betreuung. Eine Klinik-Behandlung wird notwendig, wenn das nicht gewährleistet ist).
F32.3 Schwere depressive Episode mit psychotischen Symptomen (Wie F.32.2, verbunden mit Wahngedanken, z. B. absurden Schuldgefühlen, Krankheitsbefürchtungen, Verarmungswahn u. a.).
F32.8 Sonstige depressive Episoden
F32.9 Depressive Episode, nicht näher bezeichnet
ICD-10 online (WHO-Version 2006)
Da die Depression eine sehr häufige Erkrankung ist, sollte sie bereits vom Hausarzt erkannt werden, was aber nur in etwa der Hälfte aller Fälle gelingt. Manchmal wird die Diagnose erst von einem Psychiater oder psychologischen Psychotherapeuten gestellt. Wegen der besonderen Schwierigkeiten der Diagnostik und Behandlung von Depressionen im Kindesalter, sollten Kinder und Jugendliche mit einem Verdacht auf eine Depression grundsätzlich einem Kinder- und Jugendlichenpsychiater oder Kinder- und Jugendlichenpsychotherapeuten vorgestellt werden.

Verbreitete Diagnosewerkzeuge sind die Hamilton-Depressionsskala (HAMD), das Beck-Depressions-Inventar (BDI) und das Inventar depressiver Symptome (IDS).

Mitunter wird eine Depression von einer anderen Erkrankung überdeckt und nicht erkannt. Eine Depression kann sich auch vorwiegend durch körperliche Symptome – oft Schmerzen – äußern und wird dann als „larvierte Depression“ bezeichnet (die Depression versteckt sich hinter den körperlichen Symptomen wie hinter einer Larve).

In der ICD-10 fallen Depressionen unter den Schlüssel F32.- und werden als „depressive Episode“ bezeichnet. Im Falle sich wiederholender Depressionen werden diese unter F33.- klassifiziert, bei Wechsel zwischen manischen und depressiven Phasen unter F31.-. Die ICD-10 benennt drei typische Symptome der Depression: depressive Stimmung, Verlust von Interesse und Freude sowie eine erhöhte Ermüdbarkeit. Für die Diagnose leichter und mittlerer Episoden schreibt die ICD-10 wenigstens zwei dieser typischen Symptome (in Verbindung mit zwei bzw. mindestens drei weniger typischen Symptomen) vor, für schwere Episoden müssen alle drei typischen Symptome vorhanden sein (zusätzlich wenigstens vier weniger typische Symptome).[3]

Für Kinder und Jugendliche gelten die gleichen Diagnoseschlüssel wie für Erwachsene. Allerdings kann bei Kindern eine ausgesprochene Verleugnungstendenz vorliegen, und sie können große Schamgefühle haben. In einem solchen Fall kann Verhaltensbeobachtung und die Befragung der Eltern hilfreich sein. Hierbei wird häufig auch die familiäre Belastung in Hinblick auf depressive Störungen sowie anderen Störungen exploriert. Im Zusammenhang mit Depression wird oft eine Anamnese des Familiensystems nach Beziehungs- und Bindungsstörungen sowie frühkindlichen Deprivationen oder auch seelischen, körperlichen und sexuellen Misshandlungen erstellt.

Zu den weiteren diagnostischen Schritten kann auch eine Befragung der Schule oder des Kindergartens hinsichtlich der Befindlichkeit des Kindes oder Jugendlichen zählen. Häufig wird auch eine orientierende Intelligenzdiagnostik durchgeführt, welche eine eventuelle Über- oder Unterforderung aufdecken soll. Spezifische Testverfahren für Depression im Kindes- und Jugendalter sind das Depressions-Inventar für Kinder und Jugendliche (DIKJ) von J. Stiensmeier-Pelster, M. Schürmann und K. Duda und der Depressions-Test für Kinder (DTK) von P. Rossmann.

Ausschluss-Diagnosen
Perniziöse Anämie, Vitamin-B12-Mangel
Erkrankung der Schilddrüse
sonstige Anämie[4][5]
Fruktosemalabsorption[6]
Verbreitung
Die Depression ist die am häufigsten auftretende psychische Erkrankung. Das Bundesgesundheitsministerium schätzt, dass vier Millionen Deutsche von einer Depression betroffen sind und dass gut zehn Millionen Menschen bis zum 65. Lebensjahr eine Depression erlitten haben. Aber die Zahlen schwanken. Das hängt zum einen mit der hohen Dunkelziffer zusammen (viele Depressionen werden nicht als solche erkannt) und zum anderen mit der Definition der Krankheit. Der britische NHS erklärt in einer groß angelegten Informationskampagne hingegen, dass fast jeder Mensch in seinem Leben mindestens einmal an Depression leide. Diese Kampagne richtet sich insbesondere an Männer, die sich ihrer Krankheit meist schämen, diese verheimlichen und so nicht die nötige Hilfe erhalten.

Bei Frauen werden Depressionen im Durchschnitt doppelt so oft wie bei Männern diagnostiziert. Dies kann auf eine verstärkte genetische Disposition von Frauen zur Depression hinweisen, aber auch mit den unterschiedlichen sozialen Rollen und Zuschreibungen zusammenhängen, da deutlich mehr Männer an meist depressionsbedingten Suiziden sterben als Frauen. Bei Männern können sich Depressionen auch anders ausdrücken als bei Frauen. Da sich Männer aber tendenziell seltener in ärztliche Behandlung begeben und dabei weniger über sich erzählen, kommt dies oft nicht zur Kenntnis.

Eine reine Depression im Kindesalter ist selten. Bei Vorschulkindern beträgt sie weniger als 1 % und steigt bei Schulkindern auf 2–3 %. Bei Jugendlichen wird eine Häufigkeit von 7–13 % angegeben. Das Geschlechterverhältnis ändert sich in der Adoleszenz von einem Übergewicht bei Jungen vor der Pubertät zur Dominanz bei Mädchen ab dem zwölften Lebensjahr. Bei diesen Zahlen muss allerdings berücksichtigt werden, dass eine Diagnose vor allem im Vorschulalter sehr schwierig ist. Es treten häufige Komorbiditäten auf.

Entwicklung
In den vergangenen Jahren wurde in den entwickelten Ländern ein Anstieg diagnostizierter Erkrankungen beobachtet. Die Ursachen dafür sind noch unklar.

In westlichen Gesellschaften haben sich andere Indikatoren, die auf psychische Probleme hinweisen (Suizide, Alkoholismus) positiv entwickelt. Aktuelle Studien kommen dementsprechend zu dem Ergebnis, dass die tatsächliche Häufigkeit depressiver Erkrankungen in westlichen Ländern in den letzten Jahrzehnten nicht zugenommen hat. Nach diesem Ergebnis wäre die häufigere Diagnose vor allem auf ein gestiegenes Problembewusstsein und eine höhere Akzeptanz der Erkrankung zurückzuführen.

Allerdings wird auch in Fachkreisen die These vertreten, dass die Zahl der Erkrankungen tatsächlich zunimmt. Ursprung dieser These war vor allem eine Studie von Klerman und Weissman aus dem Jahr 1989, die das „Zeitalter der Depression“ ausrief.

Unterschiedliche Formen
Die älteren Bezeichnungen unterscheiden zwischen endogener Depression (endogen bedeutet innen entstanden; infolge veränderter Stoffwechselvorgänge im Gehirn; im klinischen Alltag als eine Form der affektiven Psychose bezeichnet), die ohne erkennbare Ursache auftritt (und bei der auch eine genetische Mitverursachung vermutet wird), neurotische Depression – oder auch Erschöpfungsdepression – (verursacht durch länger andauernde belastende Erfahrungen in der Lebensgeschichte) und reaktive Depression – als Reaktion auf ein aktuell belastendes Ereignis.

Depression wird auch die Krankheit mit vielen Gesichtern genannt. Gegenwärtig ist das deskriptiv (beschreibend) ausgerichtete Diagnose-Schema nach ICD-10 in der psychiatrischen Wissenschaft verbindlich, welches den psychopatologischen Syndromen zugeordnet wird. Es trennt lediglich zwischen depressiven Episoden und rezidivierenden depressiven Störungen. Die Schwere der Depression wird mit leicht, mittelgradig, schwer und schwere depressive Episode mit psychotischen Symptomen bezeichnet (vergleiche Abschnitt: „Diagnose“). Dysthymia steht für die chronifizierte Depression.

Von einer akuten Depression ist dann die Rede, wenn ein direkter Auslöser erkennbar ist. Depressive Reaktion (ICD-10) ist die frühere reaktive Depression.

Die unipolare Depression ist eine der häufigsten Formen. Die Patienten erleben einmalig oder wiederholt (rezidivierende) depressive Tiefs; ist das Tal durchschritten, geht es ihnen wieder gut. Bei der selteneren bipolaren affektiven Störung erkrankt der Patient im Wechsel an Depression und Manie. Die frühere Bezeichnung dieses Krankheitsbildes lautete manisch-depressive Erkrankung. Auch hier ist der Begriff „affektive Psychose“ noch gebräuchlich. In abgeschwächter, aber über Jahre sich hinziehender Ausprägung werden diese bipolaren Schwankungen Zyklothymie genannt.

Die Winterdepression ist eine saisonal auftretende Form, für die ein Mangel an Sonnenlicht ursächlich zu sein scheint.

Die Bezeichnung Altersdepression ist irreführend, da sich eine depressive Episode im Alter nicht von der in jungen Jahren unterscheidet. Allerdings erkranken Ältere häufiger an einer Depression als Jüngere.

Die Schwangerschaftsdepression kommt häufig aufgrund einer Anpassungsstörung während der Schwangerschaft zustande.

Bei etwa 10 % bis 15 % der Frauen kommt es nach einer Geburt zu einer postpartalen Depression

Anaklitische Depression
Eine Sonderform der Depression ist die anaklitische Depression (Anaklise = Abhängigkeit von einer anderen Person) bei Babys und Kindern, wenn diese allein gelassen oder vernachlässigt werden. Die anaklitische Depression äußert sich durch Weinen, Jammern, anhaltendes Schreien und Anklammern und kann in psychischen Hospitalismus übergehen.

Somatisierte Depression
Die somatisierte Depression (auch maskierte bzw. larvierte Depression genannt) ist eine depressive Episode, die mit körperlichen Beschwerden einhergeht: Rückenschmerzen, Kopfschmerzen, Beklemmungen in der Brustregion – hier sind die unterschiedlichsten körperlichen Symptome möglich als „Präsentiersymptome“ einer Depression. Die Häufigkeit der maskierten Depression in der Hausarztpraxis kann bis 14 % betragen (jeder siebente Patient).[13] [14] Verkannte maskierte Depressionen sind ein aktuelles gesundheitspolitisches Problem.

Organische Depression
Organische Depression nennt man depressive Symptome, die durch eine körperliche Erkrankung hervorgerufen werden (z. B. durch eine Hypothyreose), durch Schilddrüsenfunktionsstörungen, Hypophysen- oder Nebennierenerkrankungen oder Frontalhirnsyndrom. Nicht zur organischen Depression zählen Depressionen im Gefolge von hormonellen Umstellungen, z. B. nach der Schwangerschaft oder in der Pubertät.

Agitierte Depression
Die zur Depression gehörende innere Unruhe, die zumeist subklinisch bleibt (d. h. nur vom Patienten gespürt), kann gelegentlich so gesteigert sein, dass eine Erscheinungsform entsteht, die agitierte Depression genannt wird. Der Patient wird getrieben von einem rastlosen Bewegungsdrang, der ins Leere läuft (manifeste Agitation). Der Kranke läuft umher, kann nicht still sitzen, auch die Hände nicht ruhig halten, was häufig mit Händeringen und Nesteln einhergeht. Das Mitteilungsbedürfnis ist gesteigert und führt zu einförmigem Jammern. Trotz der motorischen Unruhe besteht ein hochgradiges Antriebsdefizit. Selbst kleinste Anforderungen können nicht mehr bewältigt werden. Die agitierte Depression tritt bei älteren Patienten häufiger auf als in jüngerem und mittlerem Alter.

Atypische Depression [Bearbeiten]
Hauptmerkmale der Atypischen Depression sind die Aufhellbarkeit der Stimmung sowie vermehrter Appetit oder Gewichtszunahme, Hypersomnie, „bleierne Schwere“ des Körpers und eine lang anhaltende Überempfindlichkeit gegenüber subjektiv empfundenen persönlichen Zurückweisungen. Atypisch bezieht sich dabei auf die Abgrenzung zur endogenen Depression und nicht auf die Häufigkeit dieses Erscheinungsbildes einer Depression. Etwa 15 bis 40 % aller depressiven Störungen sind „atypische Depressionen“. In einer aktuellen Studie aus Deutschland betrug der Anteil atypischer Depressionen 15,3 %. Patienten mit atypischen Depression hatten im Vergleich zu den anderen depressiven Patienten eine höhere Wahrscheinlichkeit an somatischen Angstsymptomen, somatischen Symptomen, Schuldgedanken, Libidostörungen, Depersonalisation und Misstrauen zu leiden.[15]

Chronische Depression [Bearbeiten]
Als chronisch wird eine Depression bezeichnet, wenn sie bereits zwei Jahre und länger andauert. Häufig beginnen chronische Depressionen bereits in Kindheit und Jugend vor dem Hintergrund einer Traumatisierung. [16] Bei der Traumatisierung handelt es sich häufig um Vernachlässigung und emotionalen Missbrauch. Mit dem Cognitive Behavioral Analysis System of Psychotherapy gibt es seit einigen Jahren eine Psychotherapie, welche speziell auf die Bedürfnisse von Menschen mit chronischer Depression zugeschnitten ist. [16] [17]

Ursachen [Bearbeiten]
Die Ursachen depressiver Erkrankungen sind komplex und nur teilweise verstanden. Es ist von einem Zusammenwirken mehrerer Ursachen auszugehen: sowohl biologische Faktoren als auch entwicklungsgeschichtliche Erfahrungen, aktuelle Ereignisse und kognitive Verarbeitungsmuster spielen eine Rolle.

Genetische Ursachen [Bearbeiten]
Familien-, Zwillings- und Adoptionsstudien belegen eine genetische Disposition für Depression. Zwillingsstudien zeigen, dass im Vergleich zu Effekten der gemeinsamen familiären Umgebung genetischen Faktoren eine entscheidende Bedeutung zukommt.[18] So sei das Risiko für Kinder, bei denen ein Elternteil depressiv erkrankt ist, bei 10–15 %, ebenfalls zu erkranken, und bei vorhandener Erkrankung beider Elternteile bei 30–40 %.

Die Zwillingsstudien zeigen umgekehrt auch, dass die genetische Komponente nur ein Teilfaktor ist. Selbst bei identischer genetischer Ausstattung (eineiige Zwillinge) erkrankt der Zwillingspartner des depressiven Patienten in weniger als der Hälfte der Fälle. Beim Entstehen einer Depression spielen immer auch Umweltfaktoren eine Rolle. Darüber, wie die mögliche genetische Grundlage der Depression allerdings aussehen könnte, besteht keine Einigkeit. Einvernehmen herrscht nur darüber, dass es ein isoliertes „Depressions-Gen“ nicht gibt.

Zu bedenken ist, dass zwischen genetischen Faktoren und Umweltfaktoren komplizierte Wechselbedingungen (Genom-Umwelt-Kovarianz) bestehen können. So können genetische Faktoren z. B. bedingen, dass ein bestimmter Mensch durch eine große Risikobereitschaft sich häufig in schwierige Lebenssituationen manövriert. [19] Umgekehrt kann es von genetischen Faktoren abhängen, ob ein Mensch eine psychosoziale Belastung bewältigt oder depressiv erkrankt.

Konkrete genetische Befunde bei der unipolaren Depression [Bearbeiten]
Ein wesentlicher genetischer Vulnerabilitätsfaktor für das Auftreten einer Depression wird in einer Variation in der als 5-HTTLPR bezeichneten Promotorregion des Serotonin-Transportergens vermutet.

5-HTTLPR steht dabei für Serotonin (5-HT) Transporter (T) Length (L) Polymorphic (P) Region (R). Das Gen befindet sich auf dem Chromosom 17q11.1–q12. Es kommt in der Bevölkerung in unterschiedlichen Formen vor (sogenannter „unterschiedlicher Längenpolymorphismus“ mit einem sogenannten „kurzen“ und einem „langen Allel“). Träger des kurzen Allels reagieren empfindsamer auf psychosoziale Stressbelastungen und haben damit ein unter Umständen doppelt so großes Risiko (Disposition), an einer Depression zu erkranken, wie die Träger des langen Allels. Zudem soll das Gen für den Serotonin-Transporter auch die Entwicklung und die Funktion eines wichtigen Emotionsschaltkreises zwischen Amygdala (Mandelkern) und dem vorderen subgenualen cingulären Cortex beeinflussen. Dabei wird diskutiert, dass bei den Trägern des kurzen Allels die physiologische „Bremsfunktion“ des Gyrus cinguli (Gürtelwindung) auf die stressbedingten „negativen“ Angstgefühle in den Mandelkernen nicht ausreichend stattfinden kann. Da die negativen Gefühle somit nicht ausreichend gedämpft werden können, komme es schließlich zu einer depressiven Stimmung[20][21] (vgl. auch Imaging Genetics).

In einer Meta-Analyse, die im Juni 2009 im Journal of the American Medical Association erschienen ist[22], wurden die Daten von mehr als 14.000 Menschen aus 14 zuvor veröffentlichen Studien auf diesen Zusammenhang hin untersucht. Insgesamt konnte kein erhöhtes Risiko für depressive Erkrankungen mit der Ausprägung des Serotonintransportergens 5-HTTLPR in Zusammenhang gebracht werden. Auch wenn die Anzahl der schweren Lebensereignisse der Menschen mit dem Genotyp kombiniert wurde, gab es keinen statistisch signifikanten Zusammenhang. Insbesondere konnten die Funde von Avshalom Caspi, 2003 in Science publiziert[23], nicht repliziert werden. Er und seine Kollegen waren zu dem Ergebnis gekommen, dass mit einer zunehmenden Anzahl von Short-Allelen (also LL < LS/SL < SS) das Erkrankungsrisiko mit der Anzahl der Lebensereignisse weiter steigt. Von den 13 anderen analysierten Studien haben zwei den gegenteiligen Effekt gefunden, also ein verringertes Erkrankungsrisiko bei Short-Allelen, fünf keinen Effekt, drei den Effekt nur bei Frauen oder Trägern des SS-Polymorphismus und zwei den Effekt wie von Caspi und Kollegen berichtet. Diese Ergebnisse sprechen gegen einen Zusammenhang zwischen dem Serotonintransportergen und depressiven Erkrankungen[24], während die Anzahl der schweren Lebensereignisse allein bei den über 14.000 Menschen das Erkrankungsrisiko signifikant beeinflusste.

Weitere Kandidatengene, die mit dem Auftreten von Depressionen in Verbindung gebracht werden, codieren Enzyme bzw. Rezeptoren, die ebenfalls vor allem im Serotoninstoffwechsel eine wichtige Funktion innehaben: hierzu gehören der Serotoninrezeptor 2A (5-HT2A), die Tyrosinhydroxylase (TH) und die Tryptophanhydroxylase 1 (TPH1). Auch die Catechol-O-Methyltransferase (COMT; katecholaminabbauendes Enzym) scheint mit dem Auftreten von Depressionen verbunden zu sein.[25]

Neurobiologische Faktoren
Als gesichert gilt, dass bei jeder bekannten Form der Depression das serotonale und/oder noradrenale System gestört ist, das heißt, der Spiegel dieser Neurotransmitter ist zu hoch oder zu niedrig, oder die Resorption/Reizbarkeit der Synapsen ist verändert. Unklar ist jedoch, ob die Veränderung des Serotoninspiegels eine Ursache oder eine Folge der depressiven Erkrankung ist.

Im Blut und Urin von Depressiven lassen sich in der Regel überhöhte Mengen des Stresshormons Cortisol nachweisen.

Depression als Ausdruck von Fehlanpassung an chronischen Stress [Bearbeiten]
Chronischer Stress führt über eine andauernde Stimulation der Hypothalamus-Hypophysen-Nebennieren-Achse (HHN-Achse) zu einer übermäßigen Ausschüttung von Glucocorticoiden ins Blut. Bei Depressiven lassen sich überhöhte Mengen des Stresshormons Cortisol im Blut und Urin nachweisen. Deshalb wurde schon früh ein Zusammenhang zwischen dem Auftreten von Depressionen und Stress vermutet.

Die Steuerung der Glucocorticoidsekretion erfolgt zentral durch die parvozellulären neurosekretorischen Neuronen aus dem Nucleus paraventrikularis des Hypothalamus. Das Corticotropin Releasing Hormone (CRH), welches von diesen Neuronen gebildet wird, stimuliert zunächst die Bildung und Ausschüttung des adrenocorticotropen Hormons (ACTH) aus der Adenohypophyse. ACTH führt über eine Aktivierung der Nebennierenrinde zu einer Ausschüttung von Gluco- und Mineralocorticoiden. Die bei Depressionen beschriebene Dysregulation der HHN Achse zeigt sich in einer erhöhten basalen Sekretion von ACTH und Cortisol, in einer verminderten Suppression von Cortisol im Dexamethason-Hemmtest und in einer verminderten ACTH-Sekretion nach Gabe von CRF.

Relativ neu ist die Erkenntnis, dass durch die erhöhte Ausschüttung von Glucocorticoiden bei Stress empfindliche Regionen des Gehirns selbst geschädigt werden können. Besonderes Interesse findet in diesem Zusammenhang in der neueren Forschung der zum limbischen System gehörende Hippocampus. Störungen der kognitiven Verarbeitungsprozesse bzw. der Gedächtnisleistungen, wie sie auch bei Depressionen vorkommen, lassen sich funktionell dieser Formation zuordnen. Sie korrelieren mit einer erhöhten Konzentration von Glucocorticoiden in dieser Region als Folge von chronischen Stresseinflüssen. Glucocorticoide scheinen dabei verantwortlich zu sein für die z. B. deutliche „Ausdünnung“ von Dendriten in den Pyramidenneuronen dieser Formation (Regression der apikalen Dendriten in der CA3 Region). Wie neuere MRT-Untersuchungen zeigen, kann es bei Depressionen aufgrund dieser Veränderungen zu einer (rechtsbetonten) Volumenreduktion des Hippocampus kommen.[26][27]

Der Hippocampus gehört – neben dem Bulbus olfactorius – zu den einzigen Regionen des Nervensystems, die in der Lage sind, von sich aus wieder neue Nervenzellen zu bilden (Neuroneogenese bzw. Fähigkeit zur Neuroplastizität). Auch diese Fähigkeit zur Neuroneogenese scheint durch die schädigende Wirkung der Glucocorticoide im Stress bei Depressionen beeinträchtigt zu sein.

Die beschriebenen Veränderungen bei Depressionen gelten andererseits gerade wegen der Fähigkeit des Hippocampus zur Regeneration wiederum als reversibel. Sie lassen sich durch Gabe bestimmter Medikamente (wie z. B. Lithium und bestimmter Antidepressiva) positiv beeinflussen.[28]

Transmittersysteme, wie das Serotonin- oder Noradrenalinsystem haben im Hinblick auf die Genese von Depressionen nach neueren Erkenntnissen vor allem eine modulierende Wirkung auf emotional gefärbte psychosoziale Stressreaktionen. Dabei wird z. B. durch einen reduzierten Serotoninmetabolismus die adäquate biologische Bewältigung der (Stress-)Gefühle Angst und Aggression beeinträchtigt. Man geht inzwischen davon aus, dass aufgrund mangelnder Serotonin-Transporter in den Bahnen zwischen limbischen und kortikalen Zentren infolge einer kurzen Variante des Serotonin-Transporter-Gens[29] – im Sinne einer „gene-by-environment interaction“ – die Verarbeitungsmöglichkeit für sozial emotionale Stressreaktionen herabgesetzt ist. Dies führt über eine stressbedingte erhöhte Erschöpfbarkeit zur Entwicklung einer depressiven Stimmung. Auch die Stimulierung der CRF-Ausschüttung im Stress wird über serotonerge Bahnen geregelt.

Im Zusammenhang mit den aktuellen Erklärungsmodellen zur Genese von Depressionen beschäftigt sich die pharmakologische Forschung bei der Suche nach neuen wirksamen Substanzen zur Angst- und Depressionsbehandlung mit der Wirkung der CRF-Typ 1-Antagonisten (wie Astressin[30], Antalarmin[31])

Das Erklärungsmodell von Depressionen als Fehlanpassung bei chronischen Stresseinflüssen rechtfertigt vielfältige therapeutische Einflussmöglichkeiten vor allem auf die subjektiv dispositionellen Faktoren von Stresserleben und Stressbewältigung.[32] Im Vordergrund steht dabei allgemein die Stärkung der Resilienz einer Person.

Psychologische Theorien zur Depressionsentstehung [Bearbeiten]
Erlernte Hilflosigkeit [Bearbeiten]
Nach Seligmans Depressionsmodell werden Depressionen durch Gefühle der Hilflosigkeit bedingt, die auf unkontrollierbare, aversive Ereignisse folgen. Entscheidend für die erlebte Kontrollierbarkeit von Ereignissen sind die Ursachen, auf die die Person ein Ereignis zurückführt. Nach Seligman führt die Ursachenzuschreibung unangenehmer Ereignisse auf internale, globale und stabile Faktoren zu Gefühlen der Hilflosigkeit, die wiederum zu Depressionen führen. Mittels Seligmans Modell lässt sich die hohe Komorbidität zu Angststörungen erklären: Allen Angststörungen ist gemein, dass die Personen ihre Angst nicht oder sehr schlecht kontrollieren können, was zu Hilflosigkeits- und im Verlauf der Störung auch zu Hoffnungslosigkeitserfahrungen führt. Diese wiederum sind, laut Seligman, ursächlich für die Entstehung von Depressionen.[33]

Kognitionen als Ursache [
Im Zentrum von Becks Depressionsmodell stehen kognitive Verzerrungen der Realität durch den Depressiven. Ursächlich dafür sind, laut Beck, negative kognitive Schemata oder Überzeugungen, die durch negative Lebenserfahrungen ausgelöst werden. Kognitive Schemata sind Muster, die sowohl Informationen beinhalten als auch zur Verarbeitung von Informationen benutzt werden und somit einen Einfluss auf Aufmerksamkeit, Enkodierung und Bewertung von Informationen haben. Durch Benutzung dysfunktionaler Schemata kommt es zu kognitiven Verzerrungen der Realität, die im Falle der depressiven Person zu pessimistischen Sichtweisen von sich selbst, der Welt und der Zukunft führen (negative Triade). Als typische kognitive Verzerrungen werden u. a. willkürliche Schlüsse, selektive Abstraktion, Übergeneralisierungen und Über- oder Untertreibungen angesehen. Die kognitiven Verzerrungen verstärken rückwirkend die Schemata, was zu einer Verfestigung der Schemata führt. Unklar ist jedoch, ob kognitive Fehlinterpretationen, bedingt durch die Schemata, die Ursache der Depression darstellen oder ob durch die Depression kognitive Fehlinterpretationen erst entstehen.

Verstärkerverlust
Nach dem Depressionsmodell von Lewinsohn, das auf der operanten Konditionierung der behavioristischen Lerntheorie beruht, entstehen Depressionen aufgrund einer zu geringen Rate an verhaltenskontingenter Verstärkung. Nach Lewinsohn hängt die Menge positiver Verstärkung von der Anzahl verstärkender Ereignisse, von der Menge verfügbarer Verstärker und von den Verhaltensmöglichkeiten einer Person ab, sich so zu verhalten, dass Verstärkung möglich ist.[33]

Psychoanalytische Einstellung
In der Psychoanalyse gilt die Depression als eine gegen sich selbst gerichtete Aggression. Als psychische Ursachen für die Depression werden, besonders von psychoanalytisch orientierten Psychologen wie Heinz Kohut, Donald W. Winnicott und im Anschluss Alice Miller, auch dysfunktionale Familien beschrieben. Hier sind die Eltern mit der Erziehungsarbeit überfordert, und von den Kindern wird erwartet, dass sie die Eltern glücklich machen, zumindest aber problemlos „funktionieren“, um das fragile familiäre System nicht aus dem Gleichgewicht zu bringen. Besonders Kinder, die auf solch eine Überforderung mit der bedingungslosen Anpassung an die familiären Bedürfnisse reagieren, sind später depressionsgefährdet. Als handlungsleitendes Motiv kann nun das ständige Erfüllen von Erwartungen entstehen. Die so entstandenen Muster können lange auf einer latenten Ebene bleiben, und beispielsweise durch narzisstische Größenphantasien oder ein Helfersyndrom kompensiert werden. Das narzisstische Über-Ich verzeiht die Ohnmacht nicht: wenn die Überforderung ein nicht mehr erträgliches Maß erreicht, wird aus der latenten eine manifeste Depression (vgl. Erlernte Hilflosigkeit).

Sozialwissenschaftliche Erklärungstheorien zur Depressionsentstehung [Bearbeiten]
Psychosoziale Faktoren [Bearbeiten]
Ungünstige Lebensumstände (Arbeitslosigkeit, körperliche Erkrankung, geringe Qualität der Partnerschaft, Verlust des Partners) können eine depressive Episode auslösen, sofern die genetische Disposition besteht. Wahrscheinlicher ist jedoch, dass, nachdem eigengesetzlich bereits einmal eine depressive Episode mit Störung der Neurotransmitter aufgetreten war, erneute depressiven Episoden gebahnt sind, d. h. psychische Belastungen stoßen eine praeformierte Neurotransmitter-Entgleisung an.

Häufig nennt der Patient als Ursache seiner Erkrankung vorhandene, zum Teil schon sehr lange bestehende Konflikte. Seien die behoben, wäre er wieder gesund. In der Regel verwechselt der Patient dabei Ursache und Wirkung. Nach Abklingen der depressiven Episode wird die Belastung wie schon vor der depressiven Erkrankung ertragen und bewältigt, ja meist als Belastung gar nicht mehr bezeichnet und als Gegebenheit akzeptiert.

Bei Personen mit einem genetisch bedingten Risiko können belastende Ereignisse, wie etwa Armut Depressionen auslösen (dies ist ein Beispiel für eine Genotyp-Umwelt-Interaktion).[34]

Kinder aus Arbeiterfamilien sind häufiger depressiv als Kinder aus Familien der Mittelschicht.

Brown und Harris (1978) berichteten in ihrer als Klassiker geltenden Studie an Frauen aus sozialen Brennpunkten in London, dass Frauen ohne soziale Unterstützung ein besonders hohes Risiko für Depressionen aufweisen. Viele weitere Studien haben seitdem dieses Ergebnis gestützt. Menschen mit einem kleinen und wenig unterstützenden sozialen Netzwerk werden besonders häufig depressiv. Gleichzeitig haben Menschen, die erst einmal depressiv geworden sind, Schwierigkeiten, ihr soziales Netzwerk aufrecht zu erhalten. Sie sprechen langsamer und monotoner und halten weniger Augenkontakt, zudem sind sie weniger kompetent beim Lösen interpersonaler Probleme.[35]

Depression als Ausdruck einer sozialen Gratifikationskrise
Der Medizinsoziologe Johannes Siegrist hat auf der Grundlage umfangreicher empirischer Studien das Modell der Gratifikationskrise (verletzte soziale Reziprozität) zur Erklärung des Auftretens zahlreicher Stresserkrankungen (wie Herz-/Kreislauf-Erkrankungen, Depression) vorgeschlagen.

Gratifikationskrisen gelten als großer psychosozialer Stressfaktor. Sie können vor allem in der Berufs- und Arbeitswelt, aber auch im privaten Alltag (z. B. in Partnerbeziehungen) als Folge eines erlebten Ungleichgewichtes von wechselseitigem Geben und Nehmen auftreten. Sie äußern sich in dem belastenden Gefühl, sich für etwas engagiert eingesetzt oder verausgabt zu haben, ohne dass dies gebührend gesehen oder gewürdigt wurde. Oft sind solche Krisen mit dem Gefühl des Ausgenutztseins verbunden. In diesem Zusammenhang kann es zu heftigen negativen Emotionen kommen. Dies wiederum kann bei einem Andauern auch zu einer Depression führen.

Hauptartikel: Sozial bedingte Ungleichheit von Gesundheitschancen
Depressionen bei Kindern als Folge elterlicher Depressionen [Bearbeiten]
Eine Depression bei einem Familienmitglied wirkt sich auf Kinder aller Altersgruppen aus. Elterliche Depression ist ein Risikofaktor für zahlreiche Probleme bei den Kindern, jedoch insbesondere für Depressionen. Viele Studien haben die negativen Folgen der Interaktionsmuster zwischen depressiven Müttern und ihren Kindern belegt. Bei den Müttern wurde mehr Anspannung und weniger verspielte, wechselseitig belohnende Interaktion mit den Kindern beobachtet. Sie zeigten sich weniger empfänglich für die Emotionen ihres Kindes und weniger bestätigend im Umgang mit dessen Erlebnissen. Außerdem boten sich den Kindern Gelegenheiten zum Beobachten depressiven Verhaltens und depressiven Affektes.

Physiologische Ursachen
Ein biogener Auslöser ist der Mangel an Tageslicht. Bei der so genannten saisonalen (auch: Winter- oder Herbstdepression) treten durch zu wenig Sonnenlicht regelmäßig über die Wintermonate depressive Symptome auf, die im Frühjahr wieder abklingen.

Krankheitserreger als Ursache
Auch chronische Infektionen mit Krankheitserregern wie Streptokokken oder auch Bornaviren stehen im wissenschaftlichen Verdacht, Depressionen auslösen zu können.[37][38]

Medikamente als Auslöser
Depressive Syndrome können durch die Einnahme oder das Absetzen von Medikamenten und psychotropen Substanzen verursacht werden. Fast zu jeder in der Medizin eingesetzten Wirkstoffgruppe liegen Einzelfallberichte über eine durch Einnahme ausgelöste depressive Symptomatik vor. Die wichtigste Bedingung der Diagnose einer substanzinduzierten affektiven Störung ist der zeitliche Zusammenhang von Einnahme oder Absetzen der Substanz und Auftreten der Symptomatik. Die Substanzen, die am häufigsten Symptome einer Depression verursachen können, sind Antikonvulsiva, Benzodiazepine (vor allem nach Entzug), Zytostatika, Glucocorticoide, Interferone, Antibiotika, Lipidsenker, Neuroleptika, Retinoide, Sexualhormone und Betablocker. Die Unterscheidung zwischen einer substanzinduzierten Depression und einer von Medikamenteneinnahme unabhängigen Depression kann schwierig sein. Grundlage der Unterscheidung ist eine durch einen Psychiater erhobene ausführliche Anamnese.[39]

Hormonelle Faktoren als Auslöser
Die nicht-pathologischen Symptome des „Baby-Blues“ werden in der Fachliteratur vollständig auf hormonelle Ursachen zurückgeführt. Mit einer Häufigkeit von ungefähr 10 bis 15 Prozent stellt die postnatale Depression eine häufige Störung nach der Geburt dar. Die Symptome können Niedergeschlagenheit, häufiges Weinen, Angstsymptome, Grübeln über die Zukunft, Antriebsminderung, Schlafstörungen, körperliche Symptome und lebensmüde Gedanken bis hin zur Suizidalität umfassen. Es wird diskutiert, inwiefern hormonelle Einflüsse für ein Auftreten dieser Erkrankung verantwortlich sind. Zum jetzigen Zeitpunkt (Stand 2007) können aber noch keine eindeutigen Aussagen darüber getroffen werden.[12]

Depressionen in der Schwangerschaft [Bearbeiten]
Hauptartikel: Schwangerschaftsdepressionen
Nach einer groß angelegten englischen Studie sind circa 10 Prozent aller Frauen von Depressionen während der Schwangerschaft betroffen. Nach einer anderen Studie sind es in der 32. Schwangerschaftswoche 13,5 Prozent. Die Symptome können extrem unterschiedlich sein. Hauptsymptom ist eine herabgesetzte Stimmung, wobei dies nicht Trauer im engeren Sinn sein muss, sondern von den betroffenen Patienten auch oft mit Begriffen wie „innere Leere“, „Verzweiflung“ und „Gleichgültigkeit“ beschrieben wird. Psychosomatische körperliche Beschwerden sind häufig. Es dominieren negative Zukunftaussichten und das Gefühl der Hoffnungslosigkeit. Das Selbstwertgefühl ist niedrig. Die depressive Symptomatik in der Schwangerschaft wird oft von schwangerschaftstypischen „Themen“ beeinflusst. Dies können etwa Befürchtungen in Bezug auf die Mutterrolle oder die Gesundheit des Kindes sein.

Gesundheitsaspekte der Depression
Koronare Herzkrankheit
Die Depression selbst ist ein Risikofaktor für die Entwicklung einer koronaren Herzkrankheit.[42] Bei einem Patienten mit koronarer Herzkrankheit erhöht die Depression wiederum das Risiko auf einen Myocardinfarkt auf das 3 bis 4 fache.[43] Weiterhin zeigen eine Reihe von Studien, dass eine akute Depression bei Myocardinfarkt die Mortalität etwa um das 3fache steigert.[44] Studien zeigen, dass trotzdem bei Patienten mit Myocardinfarkt die Depression vielfach unbehandelt bleibt.[45] Eine Behandlung der Depression würde günstige Effekte auf die Heilungsaussichten der Patienten haben.[46] Während trizyklische Antidepressiva in der Akutphase des Myokardinfarkts nicht zu empfehlen sind, sind SSRI durchaus hilfreich und unproblematisch. Sertralin konnte sogar die Reinfarktrate senken.[47] Eine weitere Studie bestätigt das für Paroxetin und Fluoxetin.

Behandlung
Depressionen können in der Regel gut behandelt werden. Infrage kommen die Psychotherapie, physikalische Maßnahmen oder eine medikamentöse Behandlung mit Antidepressiva. Häufig wird auch eine Kombination aus medikamentöser und psychotherapeutischer Behandlung angewandt.

Bei der Psychotherapie konzentriert sich die Interaktion zwischen Therapeut und Patient auf das Gespräch. Hier können verschiedene Verfahren zum Einsatz kommen (siehe unten). Ausgeführt wird die Psychotherapie von Psychologischen Psychotherapeuten, Kinder- und Jugendlichenpsychotherapeuten oder von ärztlichen Psychotherapeuten. Häufig erfolgt die Gabe von Antidepressiva durch den Hausarzt oder Psychiater auch vor oder während einer Psychotherapie als begleitende Medikation.
Die psychiatrische oder ärztliche Behandlung ist in der Regel zweigleisig. Sie besteht in der Führung des Patienten durch das psychiatrische/ärztliche Gespräch (nicht gleichzusetzen mit einer Psychotherapie) und in der Gabe von Antidepressiva. Eine Kombination von Psychotherapie und medikamentöser Behandlung kann von Nervenärzten oder in psychiatrischen Kliniken bzw. Fachkrankenhäusern durchgeführt werden.
Psychotherapie [Bearbeiten]
Zur Behandlung der Depression kann ein breites Spektrum psychotherapeutischer Verfahren wirksam eingesetzt werden (aktuelle Übersicht über evaluierte Therapieverfahren bei Hautzinger, 2008 [49]). Hierzu gehören die Kognitive Verhaltenstherapie, die Interpersonelle Psychotherapie, die Analytische Psychotherapie und die tiefenpsychologisch fundierte Psychotherapie. Aber auch die Gesprächspsychotherapie, die Gestalttherapie, sowie verschiedene Gesprächs- und Körper-Psychotherapeutische Ansätze, kommen in der Behandlung zum Einsatz.

Die verhaltenstherapeutische Behandlung der Depression basiert heutzutage in der Regel auf der Kognitiven Verhaltenstherapie, wobei der Fokus darauf gerichtet ist, die depressionsauslösenden Denk- und Verhaltensmuster zu erkennen, um sie anschließend Schritt für Schritt zu verändern. Außerdem wird der Patient zu größerer Aktivität motiviert, um sowohl seine persönlichen Verstärkermechanismen wieder zu aktivieren als auch die erwiesenen positiven Wirkungen größerer körperlicher Aktivität auf die Stimmung zu nutzen. Dagegen konzentrieren sich die tiefenpsychologisch orientierten Methoden darauf, die Einsicht in unbewusste Konflikte zu ermöglichen. Häufig entstehen diese schon in der Kindheit. Psychische Probleme und die daraus resultierenden Verhaltensweisen können daraufhin bearbeitet werden. Zu den psychoanalytisch begründeten Verfahren gehören auch Kurzzeitpsychotherapien wie die Interpersonelle Psychotherapie. In gruppentherapeutischen Verfahren wird versucht, die Tendenz zum Rückzug zu überwinden, die verringerten Interaktionsmöglichkeiten zu bessern und die oft reduzierte Fähigkeit, Hilfe in Anspruch zu nehmen, zu fördern. Auch die Angehörigen können in die Therapie einbezogen werden. Rollenspieltechniken (zum Beispiel Psychodrama) können unter anderem helfen, den eigenen, oft eingeengten und festgefahrenen Blick zu überwinden. Es gibt zunehmend Hinweise darauf, dass die Verarbeitung unterdrückter Gefühle auch durch eine Selbsttherapie funktionieren kann. Die psychotherapeutischen Verfahren können sowohl als einzige Therapie als auch in Kombination mit einer Pharmakotherapie eingesetzt werden.

Pharmakotherapie [Bearbeiten]
In der medikamentösen Behandlung der Depression gab es in den letzten Jahren enorme Fortschritte. Obwohl die Wirksamkeit von Antidepressiva heute gut belegt ist, sind die Wirkmechanismen nach wie vor ungeklärt (Übersicht über die Pharmakologische Therapie der Depression in Szegedi et al., 2008[50], Übersicht über Wirkmechanismen in Holsboer-Trachsler et al., 2008[51]).

Ursprünglich glaubte man, dass Depressive zu wenig des Neurotransmitters Noradrenalin produzieren (sog. Katecholamin-Hypothese), da Medikamente, die den Noradrenalinspiegel im Gehirn erhöhen, antidepressiv wirken. Später nahm man auch ein Defizit der Transmitter Serotonin und Dopamin an (Monoamin-Hypothese), da andere Antidepressiva die Aktivität dieser Transmittersysteme erhöhen. Moderne Varianten dieser Hypothesen gehen nicht mehr von einem generellen Mangel der Transmitter bei Depressiven aus, sondern führen weitere synaptische Mechanismen an, die zu einer Unteraktivität dieser Transmittersysteme führen können.

Einige Befunde sprechen jedoch dagegen, dass der antidepressive Effekt auf einer Normalisierung oder gar Erhöhung der Transmitteraktivität beruht. (zusammenfassend Brakemeier, 2008 [52]). Antidepressiva wie z.B. SSRI oder SNRI wirken innerhalb von Minuten, indem sie die Konzentration der betreffenden Neurotransmitter im synaptischen Spalt erhöhen. Die antidepressive Wirkung setzt jedoch im Schnitt erst nach ca. zwei bis drei Wochen ein. Das Antidepressivum Trimipramin wirkt antidopaminerg und hat keinen Einfluss auf den Serotonin- oder Noradrenalinspiegel. Daher müsste es der Theorie nach Depressionen auslösen, anstatt sie zu lindern. Das Antidepressivum Tianeptin ist ein SSRE, erhöht also die Wiederaufnahme von Serotonin aus dem synaptischen Spalt. Daher müsste auch dieser Wirkstoff der Theorie nach Depressionen auslösen, anstatt sie zu lindern.[53].

Aktuelle Theorien gehen davon aus, dass sekundäre Anpassungsmechanismen für den antidepressiven Effekt verantwortlich sind, beispielsweise eine Erhöhung der neuronalen Plastizität durch vermehrte Ausschüttung des so genannten Brain-Derived-Neurotrophic-Factor (Neurotrophin)[50].

Die Zahl der Patienten, die nicht compliant sind, ist in der Neurologie und Psychiatrie besonders hoch. [54] Bei Patienten mit Depression liege die Rate der Medikamentenverweigerer bei 50 Prozent. [55] Jede zweite Einweisung in die Psychiatrie ließe sich verhindern, wenn Patienten ihre Psychopharmaka nicht eigenmächtig absetzen würden. [56]

Die bekanntesten Antidepressiva lassen sich in drei Gruppen einteilen:

Selektive Serotoninwiederaufnahmehemmer (SSRI) [Bearbeiten]
Die Selektiven Serotoninwiederaufnahmehemmer werden bei Depressionen heute am häufigsten eingesetzt. Sie haben meist weniger Nebenwirkungen als trizyklische Antidepressiva und wirken ab einer Einnahmedauer von 2 bis 3 Wochen. Sie beruhen auf dem Wirkungsmechanismus der relativen selektiven Wiederaufnahme-Hemmung von Serotonin an der präsynaptischen Membran, wodurch eine „relative“ Erhöhung des Botenstoffs Serotonin erzielt wird.

Serotonin wird bei seiner Erniedrigung in den Stoffwechselvorgängen im Gehirn für die Pathogenese von Depressionen aber auch von Manien und Obsessionen – sprich Zwangshandlungen – verantwortlich gemacht. Daher werden SSRIs auch erfolgreich gegen Zwangs- und Angstzustände eingesetzt bzw. bei Kombinationen mit Depressionen. Da Serotonin auch bei anderen neural vermittelten Prozessen im ganzen Körper eine Rolle spielt, wie zum Beispiel Verdauung und Gerinnung des Blutes, resultieren daraus auch die typischen Nebenwirkungen, durch Interaktion in andere neural gesteuerte Prozesse.

SSRIs werden seit ca. 1986 eingesetzt, seit 1990 sind sie die am häufigsten verschriebene Klasse von Antidepressiva. Wegen des nebenwirkungsärmeren Profils, vor allem in Bezug auf Kreislauf und Herz, sind sie sehr beliebt. Häufige Nebenwirkungen sind jedoch sexuelle Dysfunktion und/oder Anorgasmie. Diese bilden sich zwar einige Wochen nach Absetzen oder Wechsel des Medikaments fast immer vollständig zurück, können jedoch zu zusätzlichem (Beziehungs-)Stress führen.

Trizyklische Antidepressiva
Die trizyklischen Antidepressiva wurden bis zum Aufkommen der Serotoninwiederaufnahmehemmer am häufigsten verschrieben. Hauptnachteil sind deren Nebenwirkungen (z. B. Mundtrockenheit, Verstopfung, Müdigkeit, Muskelzittern und Blutdruckabfall). Bei älteren und bei durch Vorerkrankungen geschwächten Menschen ist daher Vorsicht geboten. Zudem wirken einige Trizyklika häufig zunächst antriebssteigernd und erst danach stimmungsaufhellend, wodurch es zu einem höheren Suizidrisiko in den ersten Wochen der Einnahme kommen kann. In den USA müssen aber auch SSRIs einen diesbezüglichen Warnhinweis tragen.

Monoaminooxidasehemmer (MAO-Hemmer)
MAO-Hemmer wirken durch das Blockieren des Enzyms Monoaminooxidase. Dieses Enzym spaltet Amine wie Serotonin und Noradrenalin – also Botenstoffe im Gehirn – und verringert dadurch deren Verfügbarkeit zur Signalübertragung im Gehirn.

MAO-Hemmer werden in selektive und nicht-selektive MAO-Hemmer unterteilt. Selektive reversible Inhibitoren der MAO-A (z. B. Moclobemid) hemmen nur den Typ A der Monoaminooxidase. MAO-B hemmende Wirkstoffe (z. B. Selegilin) werden in erster Linie als Parkinson-Mittel eingesetzt. Nichtselektive irreversible MAO-Hemmer (z. B. Isocarboxazid, Phenelzin, Tranylcypromin), hemmen MAO-A und MAO-B.

Monoaminooxidasehemmer gelten als gut wirksam. Allerdings müssen Patienten, die nichtselektive, irreversible MAO-Hemmer einnehmen, eine strenge, tyraminarme Diät halten. In Verbindung mit dem Verzehr bestimmter Lebensmittel, wie z. B. Käse und Nüssen, kann die Einnahme von nichtselektiven irreversiblen MAO-Hemmern zu einem gefährlichen Blutdruckanstieg führen.

Weitere Antidepressiva
Weitere Präparate sind Noradrenalin-Serotonin-selektive Antidepressiva (NaSSA, Wirkstoff Mirtazapin – ein tetrazyklisches Antidepressivum wie Mianserin; ferner Maprotilin), Duales Serotonerges Antidepressivum (DSA, Wirkstoff Nefazodon), Serotonin-Noradrenalin-Wiederaufnahmehemmer (SNRI, Wirkstoffe Venlafaxin und Duloxetin; ferner Milnacipran), Noradrenalin-Wiederaufnahmehemmer (NARI, Wirkstoff Reboxetin; ferner Atomoxetin), Serotonin-Wiederaufnahmeverstärker (SRE, Wirkstoff Tianeptin), Serotonin-Modulatoren (Wirkstoff Trazodon), selektive Noradrenalin-Dopamin-Wiederaufnahmehemmer (NDRI, Wirkstoff Bupropion). Von historischer Bedeutung ist auch der Einsatz von Opiaten.

Neuroleptika
Bei therapieresistenten Depressionen werden in einigen Fällen Neuroleptika wie zum Beispiel Olanzapin eingesetzt.

Phasenprophylaxe und Augmentation
Speziell bei manisch-depressiven Störungen wird zur Phasenprophylaxe und als Wirkungsverstärker anderer Antidepressiva zudem Lithium eingesetzt. Nachteil der Lithiumtherapie ist die nötige ständige Überwachung des Lithiumspiegels im Blut, da Über- und Unterdosierung hier nahe beieinander liegen. Alternativ können Stimmungsstablisatoren wie Lamotrigin, Carbamazepin und Valproinsäure gegeben werden. Eine weitere Möglichkeit ist die Gabe von Schilddrüsenhormonen, im Regelfall also die Gabe von Thyroxin. Daneben können auch bestimmte Neuroleptika wie Olanzapin oder Chlorprothixen oder synergistische Antidepressivakombinationen zur Prophylaxe und Wirkungsverstärkung gegeben werden. Stimulanzien wie Methylphenidat, Pemolin, Modafinil und Dexamfetamin werden bei therapieresistenten Depressionen zur Augmentation der Antidepressiva verwendet

Johanniskraut
Seit mehreren Jahren wird Johanniskraut bei leichten bis mittelschweren Depressionen angewandt. Linde et al., 2008[58] fassen in einer Metaanalyse die Ergebnisse von insgesamt 29 kontrollierten klinischen Studien zur Wirksamkeit von standardisierten Johanneskraut-Extrakten (Hypericum) zusammen. Die Autoren kommen zu drei Schlussfolgerungen: Hypericum-Extrakt ist wirksamer als Placebo, unterscheidet sich nicht in der Wirksamkeit von Standardantidepressiva und hat weniger Nebenwirkungen als Standardantidepressiva. Sie weisen jedoch auch darauf hin, dass die Interpretation der Ergebnisse dadurch erschwert wird, dass die in den Studien festgestellte Wirksamkeit auch von dem Land abhängt, aus dem die Studie stammt[59]. Während die klinische Wirksamkeit mittlerweile als belegt gilt, bestehen bei den Wirkmechanismen noch Unklarheiten. Tierexperimentelle Studien deuten darauf hin, dass Hypericum u.a. ähnliche Veränderungen in den serotonergen und noradrenergen Transmittersystemen bewirkt wie Standardantidepressiva (zusammenfassend siehe Butterwerk et al., 2007[60] oder Wurglics et al., 2006[61]).

Das Institut für Qualität und Wirtschaftlichkeit im Gesundheitswesen geht davon aus, dass Johanniskraut einen Effekt bei leichten Depressionen hat. Generell gab es jedoch eine deutliche Abhängigkeit des Effektschätzers von der Studienqualität: je schlechter die Qualität der Studien, desto größer stellt sich das Ausmaß der aufgezeigten Effekte dar und umgekehrt. Bei Betrachtung allein derjenigen Studien mit der besten methodischen Qualität zeigt Johanniskraut nur einen sehr geringen Effekt. Weiterhin geht das Institut davon aus, dass Johanniskraut bei schweren Depressionen nicht hilft. Es erwies sich bei schweren Depressionen in keiner Studie als dem Placebo überlegen.[62]

Die jetzigen Studien liefern noch nicht genügend Daten, um unterschiedliche Johanniskraut-Extrakte miteinander vergleichen zu können oder die optimale Dosis zu ermitteln.[63] Bei leichten Depressionen konnte jedoch in einer Studie eine Dosis-Wirkungsbeziehung experimentell nachgewiesen werden.[64]

Insbesondere bei gleichzeitiger Einnahme anderer Medikamente kann es durch den Mechanismus der Enzyminduktion in den Leberzellen zu Wechselwirkungen mit anderen Medikamenten kommen: diese können beispielsweise schneller abgebaut und in ihrer Wirkung abgeschwächt werden.

Besondere Erwähnung verdienen Interaktionen von Johanniskraut mit anderen – potenteren – Antidepressiva: So konnte gezeigt werden, dass Johanniskraut die Wirkung von bestimmten trizyklischen Antidepressiva, wie Amitriptylin und Nortriptylin, durch Beschleunigung ihres Abbaus deutlich verringert.

Bei folgenden Substanzen wird durch Wechselwirkung mit Johanniskraut die Serotoninkonzentration im Zentralnervensystem erhöht, was unter Umständen zu einem lebensbedrohlichen Serotonin-Syndrom führen kann: Fluoxetin, Fluvoxamin, Paroxetin, Sertralin, Citalopram, Escitalopram, Mirtazapin, Venlafaxin, Metoclopramid und Trazodon und weiteren.

Die Lichtempfindlichkeit der Haut wird durch die Einnahme von Johanniskrautextrakt erhöht.

Stationäre Behandlung [Bearbeiten]
Bei hohem Leidensdruck und einem nicht zufriedenstellenden Ansprechen auf ambulante Therapie und Psychopharmaka ist eine Behandlung in einer psychiatrischen Klinik in Erwägung zu ziehen. Eine solche Behandlung bietet verschiedene Vorteile: Der Patient erhält eine Tagesstruktur, es sind intensivere psychotherapeutische und medizinische Maßnahmen möglich, auch solche die ambulant nicht abrechenbar sind und somit insbesondere in der kassenärztlichen Versorgung nicht möglich sind. Häufig ist auch die medikamentöse Einstellung z. B. auf Lithium ein Grund für einen Krankenhausaufenthalt. Dabei ist es auch möglich, sich in einer Tagesklinik tagsüber intensiv behandeln zu lassen, die Nacht aber zu Hause zu verbringen. Psychiatrische Kliniken haben in der Regel offene und geschlossene Stationen, wobei Patienten auch auf geschlossenen Stationen in der Regel Ausgang haben.

Lichttherapie [Bearbeiten]

Die Lichttherapie, eine der möglichen Behandlungsmethode bei WinterdepressionenBei leicht- bis mittelgradigen depressiven Episoden im Rahmen einer saisonalen Depression kann die Lichttherapie angewendet werden. Hierbei sitzen die Patienten täglich etwa 30 Minuten vor einem Leuchtschirm, der helles weißes Licht ausstrahlt. Bei Ansprechen der Therapie kann diese über alle Wintermonate hinweg durchgeführt werden.

Elektrische/elektromagnetische Stimulationen [Bearbeiten]
Insbesondere bei schweren und über lange Zeit gegen medikamentöse Behandlung resistenten Depressionen kommen gerade in jüngerer Zeit wieder stärker nicht-medikamentöse Behandlungsverfahren zum Einsatz, deren Wirkprinzipien jedoch weitgehend unklar sind.

Das häufigste diesbezüglich eingesetzte Verfahren ist die Elektrokrampftherapie. In der Epilepsie-Behandlung fiel auf, dass bei Patienten, die gleichzeitig an einer Depression litten, nach einem epileptischen Anfall auch eine Verbesserung der Stimmung auftrat. Die Elektrokrampftherapie wird in Narkose durchgeführt und stellt dann, wenn Medikamente bei schweren Depressionen nicht wirken eine ernsthafte Alternative dar.

Derzeit in einigen Studien befindlich ist die Vagusnerv-Stimulation, bei der eine Art Herzschrittmacher im Abstand von einigen Minuten jeweils kleine elektrische Impulse an den Vagusnerv schickt. Diese Therapie, die ansonsten insbesondere bei Epilepsie-Patienten Anwendung findet, scheint bei etwa 30 bis 40 Prozent der ansonsten therapieresistenten Patienten anzuschlagen.

Ebenfalls getestet wird derzeit die transkranielle Magnetstimulation (TMS), bei der das Gehirn der Patienten durch ein Magnetfeld angeregt wird. Die Anzahl der mit den letztgenannten Verfahren behandelten Studienteilnehmer ist jedoch noch recht gering, so dass derzeit (2004) keine abschließenden Aussagen zu machen sind.

Selbsthilfegruppen [Bearbeiten]
Selbsthilfegruppen sind kein Ersatz für Therapien, sondern sie können eine begleitende Hilfe darstellen. Selbsthilfegruppen können als lebenslange Begleitung und Rückzugsorte dienen. Einige Gruppen wie z. B. die 12-Schritte-Gruppe Emotions Anonymous erwarten keine Voranmeldung, so dass Betroffene spontan bei akuten depressiven Phasen Hilfe suchen können. Hier können Betroffene das Gefühl bekommen, unter Gleichen zu sein und verstanden zu werden. Auch schon alleine die Erkenntnis, dass man nicht alleine auf der Welt ist, mit Schmerz und Ängsten, kann positive Wirkung auf Patienten haben. Als niedrigschwelliges Angebot haben sich Selbsthilfegruppen im ambulanten Bereich etabliert und leisten einen wichtigen Beitrag. In Krankenhäusern und Reha-Kliniken helfen sie Betroffenen, ihre Eigenverantwortung zu stärken und Selbstvertrauen zu erlangen.

Ernährung [Bearbeiten]
Wissenschaftliche Studien lassen auf die besondere Bedeutung von Eicosapentaensäure (EPA) zur Stimmungsaufhellung und günstigen Einflussnahme auf Minderung von Depressionen schließen[65][66] EPA ist eine mehrfach ungesättigte Fettsäure aus der Klasse der Omega-3-Fettsäuren.

Der Wirkungsmechanismus der Omega-3-Fettsäure ist noch nicht aufgeklärt, jedoch wird eine Interaktion von Fettsäure und dem Neurotransmitter Serotonin vermutet: Ein Mangel an Serotonin wird häufig von einem Mangel an Omega-3-Fettsäure begleitet, umgekehrt scheint die Gabe der Fettsäure zur Erhöhung des Serotoninspiegels zu führen. Die orthomolekulare Medizin versucht außerdem über die Aminosäuren Tyrosin und oder Phenylalanin (in der L-Form) Depressionen günstig zu beeinflussen. Die beiden Aminosäuren werden im Körper in Noradrenalin sowie Dopamin umgewandelt. Die Erhöhung dieser Neurotransmitter kann stimmungsaufhellend sein.

Es ist sicher nicht falsch, auch nach Abklingen der depressiven Beschwerden auf eine ausgewogene und gesunde Ernährung zu achten. Dabei spielt vor allem ein gleichmäßiger Blutzuckerspiegel durch regelmäßige Mahlzeiten ein Rolle, ebenso wie ein maßvoller Umgang mit Genussmitteln wie Kaffee, Nikotin und Alkohol dazu beitragen kann psychisch stabil zu bleiben.

Andere Hilfsmittel
Schlafentzug kann antidepressiv wirksam sein und wird in seltenen Fällen zum kurzfristigen Durchbrechen schwerer Depressionen im therapeutischen Rahmen eingesetzt (allerdings nicht bei einer manisch-depressiven Erkrankung). Die Methode basiert auf der Freisetzung von Serotonin durch die Fasern der hypnogenen Kerne der Raphe, die den Schlaf einleiten sollen.

Verschiedene epidemiologische Studien weisen darauf hin, dass sportlich aktive Personen ein geringeres Risiko haben als Inaktive, an einer Depression zu erkranken. Zur antidepressiven Wirkung von Sport bei bereits bestehender Depression existieren ebenfalls eine Reihe kontrollierter Studien, die mehrheitlich eindeutig für klinisch bedeutsame antidepressive Wirkungen von regelmäßigem körperlichem Training sprechen, egal ob Ausdauer- oder Krafttraining. Eine Form der unterstützenden therapeutischen Maßnahmen ist die Sporttherapie. Wenn Sport im gesellschaftlichen Zusammenhang stattfindet, erleichtert er eine Wiederaufnahme zwischenmenschlicher Kontakte. Ein weiterer Effekt der körperlichen Betätigung ist das gesteigerte Selbstwertgefühl und die Ausschüttung von Endorphinen.

Positive Effekte des Joggings bei Depressionen sind empirisch durch Studien nachgewiesen. 1976 wurde die erste Studie unter dem Titel „The joy of Running“ zu diesem Thema veröffentlicht.

Andere Hausmittel – wie Entspannungstechniken, kalte Güsse nach Sebastian Kneipp, Kaffee oder gar Schokolade – bieten an Depressionen Erkrankten keine Hilfe, sondern können höchstens Menschen mit leichten depressiven Verstimmungen Linderung verschaffen. Studien deuten darauf hin, dass Schokolade sogar Depressionen verschlimmern kann.
Meiner Ansicht nach, gibt es nur eine Lösung: Psychanalyse.

Psychoanalysis

Samedi 25 septembre 2010

Psychoanalysis (or Freudian psychology) is a body of ideas developed by Austrian physician Sigmund Freud and continued by others. It is primarily devoted to the study of human psychological functioning and behavior, although it can also be applied to societies. Psychoanalysis has three main components:

1.a method of investigation of the mind and the way one thinks;
2.a systematized set of theories about human behavior;
3.a method of treatment of psychological or emotional illness.
Under the broad umbrella of psychoanalysis, there are at least 22 theoretical orientations regarding human mentation and development. The various approaches in treatment called “psychoanalysis” vary as much as the theories do. The term also refers to a method of studying child development.

Freudian psychoanalysis refers to a specific type of treatment in which the “analysand” (analytic patient) verbalizes thoughts, including free associations, fantasies, and dreams, from which the analyst induces the unconscious conflicts causing the patient’s symptoms and character problems, and interprets them for the patient to create insight for resolution of the problems.

The specifics of the analyst’s interventions typically include confronting and clarifying the patient’s pathological defenses, wishes and guilt. Through the analysis of conflicts, including those contributing to resistance and those involving transference onto the analyst of distorted reactions, psychoanalytic treatment can clarify how patients unconsciously are their own worst enemies: how unconscious, symbolic reactions that have been stimulated by experience are causing symptoms.

The idea of psychoanalysis was developed in Vienna in the 1890s by Sigmund Freud, a neurologist interested in finding an effective treatment for patients with neurotic or hysterical symptoms. Freud had become aware of the existence of mental processes that were not conscious as a result of his neurological consulting job at the Children’s Hospital, where he noticed that many aphasic children had no organic cause for their symptoms. He wrote a monograph about this subject.[2] In the late 1880s, Freud obtained a grant to study with Jean-Martin Charcot, the famed neurologist and syphilologist, at the Salpêtrière in Paris. Charcot had become interested in patients who had symptoms that mimicked general paresis. Freud’s first theory to explain hysterical symptoms was the so-called “seduction theory”. Since his patients under treatment with this new method “remembered” incidents of having been sexually seduced in childhood, Freud believed that they had actually been abused only to later repress those memories. This led to his publication with Dr. Breuer in 1893 of case reports of the treatment of hysteria.[3] This first theory became untenable as an explanation of all incidents of hysteria. As a result of his work with his patients, Freud learned that the majority complained of sexual problems, especially coitus interruptus as birth control. He suspected their problems stemmed from cultural restrictions on sexual expression and that their sexual wishes and fantasies had been repressed. Between this discovery of the unexpressed sexual desires and the relief of the symptoms by abreaction, Freud began to theorize that the unconscious mind had determining effects on hysterical symptoms.

His first comprehensive attempt at an explanatory theory was the then unpublished Project for a Scientific Psychology in 1895.[4] In this work Freud attempted to develop a neurophysiologic theory based on transfer of energy by the neurons in the brain in order to explain unconscious mechanisms. He abandoned the project when he came to realize that there was a complicated psychological process involved over and above neuronal activity. By 1900, Freud had discovered that dreams had symbolic significance, and generally were specific to the dreamer. Freud formulated his second psychological theory— which postulates that the unconscious has or is a “primary process” consisting of symbolic and condensed thoughts, and a “secondary process” of logical, conscious thoughts. This theory was published in his 1900 opus magnum, The Interpretation of Dreams.[5]Chapter VII was a re-working of the earlier “Project” and Freud outlined his “Topographic Theory.” In this theory, which was mostly later supplanted by the Structural Theory, unacceptable sexual wishes were repressed into the “System Unconscious,” unconscious due to society’s condemnation of premarital sexual activity, and this repression created anxiety. Freud also discovered what most of us take for granted today: that dreams were symbolic and specific to the dreamer. Often, dreams give clues to unconscious conflicts, and for this reason, Freud referred to dreams as the “royal road to the Unconscious.”

This “topographic theory” is still popular in much of Europe, although it has been superseded in much of North America.[6] In 1905, Freud published Three Essays on the Theory of Sexualitin which he laid out his discovery of so-called psychosexual phases: oral (ages 0–2), anal (2-4), phallic-oedipal (today called 1st genital) (3-6), latency (6-puberty), and mature genital (puberty-onward). His early formulation included the idea that because of societal restrictions, sexual wishes were repressed into an unconscious state, and that the energy of these unconscious wishes could be turned into anxiety or physical symptoms. Therefore the early treatment techniques, including hypnotism and abreaction, were designed to make the unconscious conscious in order to relieve the pressure and the apparently resulting symptoms.

In On Narcissism (1915)[Freud turned his attention to the subject of narcissism. Still utilizing an energic system, Freud conceptualized the question of energy directed at the self versus energy directed at others, called cathexis. By 1917, In "Mourning and Melancholia," he suggested that certain depressions were caused by turning guilt-ridden anger on the self.[9] In 1919 in “A Child is Being Beaten” he began to address the problems of self-destructive behavior (moral masochism) and frank sexual masochism.[10] Based on his experience with depressed and self-destructive patients, and pondering the carnage of WWI, Freud became dissatisfied with considering only oral and sexual motivations for behavior. By 1920, Freud addressed the power of identification (with the leader and with other members) in groups as a motivation for behavior (Group Psychology and Analysis of the Ego).[11] In that same year (1920) Freud suggested his “dual drive” theory of sexuality and aggression in Beyond the Pleasure Principle, to try to begin to explain human destructiveness.[12]

In 1923, he presented his new “structural theory” of an id, ego, and superego in a book entitled, The Ego and the Id.[13] Therein, he revised the whole theory of mental functioning, now considering that repression was only one of many defense mechanisms, and that it occurred to reduce anxiety. Note that repression, for Freud, is both a cause of anxiety and a response to anxiety. In 1926, in Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety, Freud laid out how intrapsychic conflict among drive and superego (wishes and guilt) caused anxiety, and how that anxiety could lead to an inhibition of mental functions, such as intellect and speech.[14]. Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety was written in response to Otto Rank, who, in 1924, published Das Trauma der Geburt (translated into English in 1929 as The Trauma of Birth), exploring how art, myth, religion, philosophy and therapy were illuminated by separation anxiety in the “phase before the development of the Oedipus complex” (p. 216). But there was no such phase in Freud’s theories. The Oedipus complex, Freud explained tirelessly, was the nucleus of the neurosis and the foundational source of all art, myth, religion, philosophy, therapy—indeed of all human culture and civilization. It was the first time that anyone in the inner circle had dared to suggest that the Oedipus complex might not be the only factor contributing to intrapsychic development

By 1936, the “Principle of Multiple Function” was clarified by Robert Waelder.[15] He widened the formulation that psychological symptoms were caused by and relieved conflict simultaneously. Moreover, symptoms (such as phobias and compulsions) each represented elements of some drive wish (sexual and/or aggressive), superego (guilt), anxiety, reality, and defenses. Also in 1936, Anna Freud, Sigmund’s famous daughter, published her seminal book, The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense, outlining numerous ways the mind could shut upsetting things out of consciousness.[16]

[edit] 1940s-2000s
Following the death of Freud, a new group of psychoanalysts began to explore the function of the ego. Led by Hartmann, Kris, Rappaport and Lowenstein, the group built upon understandings of the synthetic function of the ego as a mediator in psychic functioning. Hartmann in particular distinguished between autonomous ego functions (such as memory and intellect which could be secondarily affected by conflict) and synthetic functions which were a result of compromise formation. These “Ego Psychologists” of the ’50s paved a way to focus analytic work by attending to the defenses (mediated by the ego) before exploring the deeper roots to the unconscious conflicts. In addition there was burgeoning interest in child psychoanalysis. Although criticized since its inception, psychoanalysis has been used as a research tool into childhood development,[17] and has is still used to treat certain mental disturbances.[18] In the 1960s, Freud’s early thoughts on the childhood development of female sexuality were challenged; this challenge led to the development of a variety of understandings of female sexual development, many of which modified the timing and normality of several of Freud’s theories (which had been gleaned from the treatment of women with mental disturbances). Several researchers[19] followed Karen Horney’s studies of societal pressures that influence the development of women. Most contemporary North American psychoanalysts employ theories that, while based on those of Sigmund Freud, include many modifications of theory and practice developed since his death in 1939.

In the 2000s there are approximately 35 training institutes for psychoanalysis in the United States accredited by the American Psychoanalytic Association [4][20] which is a component organization of the International Psychoanalytical Association, and there are over 3,000 graduated psychoanalysts practicing in the United States. The International Psychoanalytical Association accredits psychoanalytic training centers throughout the rest of the world, including countries such as Serbia, France, Germany, Austria, Italy, Switzerland, and many others, as well as about six institutes directly in the U.S. Freud published a paper entitled The History of the Psychoanalytic Movement in 1914, German original being first published in the Jahrbuch der Psychoanalyse.[21]

[edit] Theories
The predominant psychoanalytic theories can be grouped into several theoretical “schools.” Although these theoretical “schools” differ, most of them continue to stress the strong influence of unconscious elements affecting people’s mental lives. There has also been considerable work done on consolidating elements of conflicting theory (cf. the work of Theodore Dorpat, B. Killingmo, and S. Akhtar). As in all fields of healthcare, there are some persistent conflicts regarding specific causes of some syndromes, and disputes regarding the best treatment techniques. In the 2000s, psychoanalytic ideas are embedded in Western culture, especially in fields such as childcare, education, literary criticism, cultural studies, and mental health, particularly psychotherapy. Though there is a mainstream of evolved analytic ideas, there are groups who follow the precepts of one or more of the later theoreticians. Psychoanalytic ideas also play roles in some types of literary analysis such as Archetypal literary criticism.

[edit] Topographic theory
Topographic theory was first described by Freud in “The Interpretation of Dreams” (1900)[22][23] The theory posits that the mental apparatus can be divided in to the systems Conscious, Pre-conscious and Unconscious. These systems are not anatomical structures of the brain but, rather, mental processes. Although Freud retained this theory throughout his life he largely replaced it with the Structural theory. The Topographic theory remains as one of the metapsychological points of view for describing how the mind functions in classical psychoanalytic theory.

[edit] Structural theory
Structural theory divides the psyche into the id, the ego, and the super-ego. The id is present at birth as the repository of basic instincts, which Freud called “Triebe” (“drives”): unorganised and unconscious, it operates merely on the ‘pleasure principle’, without realism or foresight. The ego develops slowly and gradually, being concerned with mediating between the urgings of the id and the realities of the external world; it thus operates on the ‘reality principle’. The super-ego is held to be the part of the ego in which self-observation, self-criticism and other reflective and judgemental faculties develop. The ego and the super-ego are both partly conscious and partly unconscious.

[edit] Ego psychology
Ego psychology was initially suggested by Freud in Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety (1926). The theory was refined by Hartmann, Loewenstein, and Kris in a series of papers and books from 1939 through the late 1960s. Leo Bellak was a later contributor. This series of constructs, paralleling some of the later developments of cognitive theory, includes the notions of autonomous ego functions: mental functions not dependent, at least in origin, on intrapsychic conflict. Such functions include: sensory perception, motor control, symbolic thought, logical thought, speech, abstraction, integration (synthesis), orientation, concentration, judgment about danger, reality testing, adaptive ability, executive decision-making, hygiene, and self-preservation. Freud noted that inhibition is one method that the mind may utilize to interfere with any of these functions in order to avoid painful emotions. Hartmann (1950s) pointed out that there may be delays or deficits in such functions.

Frosch (1964) described differences in those people who demonstrated damage to their relationship to reality, but who seemed able to test it. Deficits in the capacity to organize thought are sometimes referred to as blocking or loose associations (Bleuler), and are characteristic of the schizophrenias. Deficits in abstraction ability and self-preservation also suggest psychosis in adults. Deficits in orientation and sensorium are often indicative of a medical illness affecting the brain (and therefore, autonomous ego functions). Deficits in certain ego functions are routinely found in severely sexually or physically abused children, where powerful effects generated throughout childhood seem to have eroded some functional development.

Ego strengths, later described by Kernberg (1975), include the capacities to control oral, sexual, and destructive impulses; to tolerate painful affects without falling apart; and to prevent the eruption into consciousness of bizarre symbolic fantasy. Synthetic functions, in contrast to autonomous functions, arise from the development of the ego and serve the purpose of managing conflictual processes. Defenses are synthetic functions that protect the conscious mind from awareness of forbidden impulses and thoughts. One purpose of ego psychology has been to emphasize that some mental functions can be considered to be basic, rather than derivatives of wishes, affects, or defenses. However, autonomous ego functions can be secondarily affected because of unconscious conflict. For example, a patient may have an hysterical amnesia (memory being an autonomous function) because of intrapsychic conflict (wishing not to remember because it is too painful).

Taken together, the above theories present a group of metapsychological assumptions. Therefore, the inclusive group of the different classical theories provides a cross-sectional view of human mentation. There are six “points of view”, five described by Freud and a sixth added by Hartmann. Unconscious processes can therefore be evaluated from each of these six points of view. The “points of view” are: 1. Topographic 2. Dynamic (the theory of conflict) 3. Economic (the theory of energy flow) 4. Structural 5. Genetic (propositions concerning origin and development of psychological functions) and 6. Adaptational (psychological phenomena as it relates to the external world).[24]

[edit] Modern conflict theory
A variation of ego psychology, termed “modern conflict theory”, is more broadly an update and revision of structural theory (Freud, 1923, 1926); it does away with some of structural theory’s more arcane features, such as where repressed thoughts are stored. Modern conflict theory looks at how emotional symptoms and character traits are complex solutions to mental conflict.[25] It dispenses with the concepts of a fixed id, ego and superego, and instead posits conscious and unconscious conflict among wishes (dependent, controlling, sexual, and aggressive), guilt and shame, emotions (especially anxiety and depressive affect), and defensive operations that shut off from consciousness some aspect of the others. Moreover, healthy functioning (adaptive) is also determined, to a great extent, by resolutions of conflict.

A major objective of modern conflict-theory psychoanalysis is to change the balance of conflict in a patient by making aspects of the less adaptive solutions (also called “compromise formations”) conscious so that they can be rethought, and more adaptive solutions found. Current theoreticians following Brenner’s many suggestions (see especially Brenner’s 1982 book, The Mind in Conflict) include Sandor Abend, MD (Abend, Porder, & Willick, (1983), Borderline Patients: Clinical Perspectives), Jacob Arlow (Arlow and Brenner (1964), Psychoanalytic Concepts and the Structural Theory), and Jerome Blackman (2003), 101 Defenses: How the Mind Shields Itself).

[edit] Object relations theory
Object relations theory attempts to explain vicissitudes of human relationships through a study of how internal representations of self and of others are structured. The clinical symptoms that suggest object relations problems (typically developmental delays throughout life) include disturbances in an individual’s capacity to feel warmth, empathy, trust, sense of security, identity stability, consistent emotional closeness, and stability in relationships with chosen other human beings. (It is not suggested that one should trust everyone, for example). Concepts regarding internal representations (also sometimes termed, “introjects,” “self and object representations,” or “internalizations of self and other”) although often attributed to Melanie Klein, were actually first mentioned by Sigmund Freud in his early concepts of drive theory (1905, Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality). Freud’s 1917 paper “Mourning and Melancholia”, for example, hypothesized that unresolved grief was caused by the survivor’s internalized image of the deceased becoming fused with that of the survivor, and then the survivor shifting unacceptable anger toward the deceased onto the now complex self image.

Vamik Volkan, in “Linking Objects and Linking Phenomena,” expanded on Freud’s thoughts on this, describing the syndromes of “Established pathological mourning” vs. “reactive depression” based on similar dynamics. Melanie Klein’s hypotheses regarding internalizations during the first year of life, leading to paranoid and depressive positions, were later challenged by Rene Spitz (e.g., The First Year of Life, 1965), who divided the first year of life into a coenesthetic phase of the first six months, and then a diacritic phase for the second six months. Margaret Mahler (Mahler, Fine, and Bergman (1975), “The Psychological Birth of the Human Infant”) and her group, first in New York, then in Philadelphia, described distinct phases and subphases of child development leading to “separation-individuation” during the first three years of life, stressing the importance of constancy of parental figures, in the face of the child’s destructive aggression, to the child’s internalizations, stability of affect management, and ability to develop healthy autonomy.

Later developers of the theory of self and object constancy as it affects adult psychiatric problems such as psychosis and borderline states have been John Frosch, Otto Kernberg, and Salman Akhtar. Peter Blos described (1960, in a book called On Adolescence) how similar separation-individuation struggles occur during adolescence, of course with a different outcome from the first three years of life: the teen usually, eventually, leaves the parents’ house (this varies with the culture). During adolescence, Erik Erikson (1950–1960s) described the “identity crisis,” that involves identity-diffusion anxiety. In order for an adult to be able to experience “Warm-ETHICS” (warmth, empathy, trust, holding environment (Winnicott), identity, closeness, and stability) in relationships (see Blackman (2003), 101 Defenses: How the Mind Shields Itself), the teenager must resolve the problems with identity and redevelop self and object constancy.

[edit] Self psychology
Self psychology emphasizes the development of a stable and integrated sense of self through empathic contacts with other humans, primary significant others conceived of as “selfobjects.” Selfobjects meet the developing self’s needs for mirroring, idealization, and twinship, and thereby strengthen the developing self. The process of treatment proceeds through “transmuting internalizations” in which the patient gradually internalizes the selfobject functions provided by the therapist. Self psychology was proposed originally by Heinz Kohut, and has been further developed by Arnold Goldberg, Frank Lachmann, Paul and Anna Ornstein, Marian Tolpin, and others.

[edit] Jacques Lacan/Lacanian psychoanalysis
Lacanian psychoanalysis integrates psychoanalysis with semiotics and Hegelian philosophy, and is practiced throughout the world. It is especially popular in France and Latin America. Lacanian psychoanalysis is a departure from the traditional British and American psychoanalysis, which is predominantly Ego psychology. Lacan frequently used the phrase “retourner à Freud” in his seminars and writings meaning “back to Freud” as he claimed that his theories were an extension of Freud’s own, contrary to those of Anna Freud, the Ego Psychology, object relations and “self” theories and also claims the necessity of reading Freud’s complete works, not only a part of them. Lacan’s first major contributions concern the “mirror stage”, the Real, the Imaginary and the Symbolic, and the claim that “the unconscious is structured as a language

Though a major influence on psychoanalysis in France and parts of Latin America, Lacan and his ideas have had little to no impact on psychoanalysis or psychotherapy in the English-speaking world.[27]
]Interpersonal psychoanalysis
Interpersonal psychoanalysis accents the nuances of interpersonal interactions, particularly how individuals protect themselves from anxiety by establishing collusive interactions with others, and the relevance of actual experiences with other persons developmentally (e.g. family and peers) as well as in the present. This is contrasted with the primacy of intrapsychic forces, as in classical psychoanalysis. Interpersonal theory was first introduced by Harry Stack Sullivan, MD, and developed further by Frieda Fromm-Reichmann, Clara Thompson, Erich Fromm, and others who contributed to the founding of the William Alanson White Institute and Interpersonal Psychoanalysis in general.

Culturalist psychoanalysts
Main article: Culturalist psychoanalysts
Some psychoanalysts have been labeled culturalist, because of the prominence they gave on culture for the genesis of behavior.[28] Among others, Erich Fromm, Karen Horney, Harry Stack Sullivan, have been called culturalist psychoanalysts.[28] They were famously in conflict with orthodox psychoanalysts.[29]

[edit] Relational psychoanalysis
Relational psychoanalysis combines interpersonal psychoanalysis with object-relations theory and with Inter-subjective theory as critical for mental health, was introduced by Stephen Mitchell.[30] Relational psychoanalysis emphasizes how the individual’s personality is shaped by both real and imagined relationships with others, and how these relationship patterns are re-enacted in the interactions between analyst and patient. Fonagy and Target, in London, have propounded their view of the necessity of helping certain detached, isolated patients, develop the capacity for “mentalization” associated with thinking about relationships and themselves.

[edit] Interpersonal-Relational psychoanalysis
The term interpersonal-relational psychoanalysis is often used as a professional identification. Psychoanalysts under this broader umbrella debate about what precisely are the differences between the two schools, without any current clear consensus.

[edit] Intersubjective psychoanalysis
The term “intersubjectivity” was introduced in psychoanalysis by George E. Atwood and Robert Stolorow (1984). Intersubjective approaches emphasize how both personality development and the therapeutic process are influenced by the interrelationship between the patient’s subjective perspective and that of others. The authors of the interpersonal-relational and intersubjective approaches: Otto Rank, Heinz Kohut, Stephen A. Mitchell, Jessica Benjamin, Bernard Brandchaft, J. Fosshage, Donna M.Orange, Arnold “Arnie” Mindell, Thomas Ogden, Owen Renik, Irwin Z. Hoffman, Harold Searles, Colwyn Trewarthen, Edgar A. Levenson, Jay R. Greenberg, Edward R. Ritvo, Beatrice Beebe, Frank M. Lachmann, Herbert Rosenfeld and Daniel Stern.

[edit] Modern psychoanalysis
“Modern psychoanalysis” is a term coined by Hyman Spotnitz and his colleagues to describe a body of theoretical and clinical work undertaken from the 1950s onwards, with the aim of extending Freud’s theories so as to make them applicable to the full spectrum of emotional disorders. Interventions based on this approach are primarily intended to provide an emotional-maturational communication to the patient, rather than to promote intellectual insight.

[edit] Micropsychoanalysis
Micropsychoanalysis has, as Freudian psychoanalysis, the free association technique as its cornerstone. However, micropsychoanalysis complements the practice of classic Freudian psychoanalysis and supplements and enriches some theoretical concepts developed by Freud.[31] The main distintive characteristics of micropsychoanalysis are: average duration of sessions three hours, the rate of sessions is at least five per week and the study of memorabilia belonging to the analysand: personal and family pictures, [32] the making of the analysand’s Genealogical tree, the drawings of childhood houses and the study of family and love letters. The aim of these technical innovations is to facilitate the labour of free association and the establishment of a bridge with reality.[33] A micropsychoanalysis can be completed in about one year if working uninterruptedly or in about three years if working in installments of 6–9 weeks every year.[34] In the theoretical aspect, Fanti reworked the Freudian metapsychology by introducing the concepts of energy and void.[35] He also introduced the idea of the existence of different levels in the structures of the psyche put forward by Freud. For example, the unconscious and preconscious-conscious systems would comprise different levels of internal structure. According to the micropsychoanalytical model, instincts (trieb) surge from the energy, specifically from the tensional difference between energy and void.[36] A basic form of micropsychoanalysis was first conceived in the 1950s by Swiss psychiatrist Silvio Fanti [37][38] and developed systematically by himself and his collaborators, Pierre Codoni and Daniel Lysek, from the 1970s. Micropsychoanalysis is popular in France, Switzerland and Italy.

[edit] Psychopathology (mental disturbances)
[edit] Adult patients
The various psychoses involve deficits in the autonomous ego functions (see above) of integration (organization) of thought, in abstraction ability, in relationship to reality and in reality testing. In depressions with psychotic features, the self-preservation function may also be damaged (sometimes by overwhelming depressive affect). Because of the integrative deficits (often causing what general psychiatrists call “loose associations,” “blocking,” “flight of ideas,” “verbigeration,” and “thought withdrawal”), the development of self and object representations is also impaired. Clinically, therefore, psychotic individuals manifest limitations in warmth, empathy, trust, identity, closeness and/or stability in relationships (due to problems with self-object fusion anxiety) as well.

In patients whose autonomous ego functions are more intact, but who still show problems with object relations, the diagnosis often falls into the category known as “borderline.” Borderline patients also show deficits, often in controlling impulses, affects, or fantasies – but their ability to test reality remains more or less intact. Adults who do not experience guilt and shame, and who indulge in criminal behavior, are usually diagnosed as psychopaths, or, using DSM-IV-TR, antisocial personality disorder.

Panic, phobias, conversions, obsessions, compulsions and depressions (analysts call these “neurotic symptoms”) are not usually caused by deficits in functions. Instead, they are caused by intrapsychic conflicts. The conflicts are generally among sexual and hostile-aggressive wishes, guilt and shame, and reality factors. The conflicts may be conscious or unconscious, but create anxiety, depressive affect, and anger. Finally, the various elements are managed by defensive operations – essentially shut-off brain mechanisms that make people unaware of that element of conflict. “Repression” is the term given to the mechanism that shuts thoughts out of consciousness. “Isolation of affect” is the term used for the mechanism that shuts sensations out of consciousness. Neurotic symptoms may occur with or without deficits in ego functions, object relations, and ego strengths. Therefore, it is not uncommon to encounter obsessive-compulsive schizophrenics, panic patients who also suffer with borderline personality disorder, etc.

This section above is partial to ego psychoanalytic theory “autonomous ego functions.” As the “autonomous ego functions” theory is only a theory, it may yet be proven incorrect.

[edit] Childhood origins
Freudian theories point out that adult problems can be traced to unresolved conflicts from certain phases of childhood and adolescence. Freud, based on the data gathered from his patients early in his career, suspected that neurotic disturbances occurred when children were sexually abused in childhood (the so-called seduction theory). Later, Freud came to believe that, although child abuse occurs, not all neurotic symptoms were associated with this. He realized that neurotic people often had unconscious conflicts that involved incestuous fantasies deriving from different stages of development. He found the stage from about three to six years of age (preschool years, today called the “first genital stage”) to be filled with fantasies of having romantic relationships with both parents. Although arguments were generated in early 20th-century Vienna about whether adult seduction of children was the basis of neurotic illness, there is virtually no argument about this problem in the 21st century.

Many psychoanalysts who work with children have studied the actual effects of child abuse, which include ego and object relations deficits and severe neurotic conflicts. Much research has been done on these types of trauma in childhood, and the adult sequelae of those. On the other hand, many adults with symptom neuroses and character pathology have no history of childhood sexual or physical abuse. In studying the childhood factors that start neurotic symptom development, Freud found a constellation of factors that, for literary reasons, he termed the Oedipus complex (based on the play by Sophocles, Oedipus Rex, where the protagonist unwittingly kills his father Laius and marries his mother Jocasta). The shorthand term, “oedipal,” (later explicated by Joseph Sandler in “On the Concept Superego” (1960) and modified by Charles Brenner in “The Mind in Conflict” (1982)) refers to the powerful attachments that children make to their parents in the preschool years. These attachments involve fantasies of sexual relationships with either (or both) parent, and, therefore, competitive fantasies toward either (or both) parents. Humberto Nagera (1975) has been particularly helpful in clarifying many of the complexities of the child through these years.

The terms “positive” and “negative” oedipal conflicts have been attached to the heterosexual and homosexual aspects, respectively. Both seem to occur in development of most children. Eventually, the developing child’s concessions to reality (that they will neither marry one parent nor eliminate the other) lead to identifications with parental values. These identifications generally create a new set of mental operations regarding values and guilt, subsumed under the term “superego.” Besides superego development, children “resolve” their preschool oedipal conflicts through channeling wishes into something their parents approve of (“sublimation”) and the development, during the school-age years (“latency”) of age-appropriate obsessive-compulsive defensive maneuvers (rules, repetitive games).

[edit] Treatment
Using the various analytic theories to assess mental problems, several particular constellations of problems are particularly suited for analytic techniques (see below) whereas other problems respond better to medicines and different interpersonal interventions. To be treated with psychoanalysis, whatever the presenting problem, the person requesting help must demonstrate a desire to start an analysis. The person wishing to start an analysis must have some capacity for speech and communication. As well, they need to be able to have trust and empathy within the psychoanalytic session. Potential patients must undergo a preliminary stage of treatment to assess their amenability to psychoanalysis, at that time, and also to enable the analyst to form a working psychological model which the analyst will use to direct the treatment. Psychoanalysts mainly work with neurosis and hysteria in particular, however adapted forms of psychoanalysis are used in working with schizophrenia and other forms of psychosis. Finally, if a prospective patient is severely suicidal a longer preliminary stage may be employed, sometimes with sessions which have a twenty minute break in the middle. There are modifications of techniques due to the radically individualistic nature of each person’s analysis.

The most common problems treatable with psychoanalysis include: phobias, conversions, compulsions, obsessions, anxiety attacks, depressions, sexual dysfunctions, a wide variety of relationship problems (such as dating and marital strife), and a wide variety of character problems (for example, painful shyness, meanness, obnoxiousness, workaholism, hyperseductiveness, hyperemotionality, hyperfastidiousness). The fact that many of such patients also demonstrate deficits above makes diagnosis and treatment selection difficult.

Analytical organizations such as the International Psychoanalytic Association,[39] The American Psychoanalytic Association,[40] and the European Federation for Psychoanalytic Psychotherapy,[41] have established procedures and models for the indication and practice of psychoanalytical therapy for trainees in analysis. The match between the analyst and the patient can be viewed as another contributing factor for the indication and contraindication for psychoanalytic treatment. The analyst decides whether the patient is suitable for psychoanalysis. This decision made by the analyst, besides made on the usual indications and pathology, is also based to a certain degree by the “fit” between analyst and patient. A person’s suitability for analysis at any particular time is based on their desire to know something about where their illness has come from. Someone who is not suitable for analysis expresses no desire to know more about the root causes of their illness. An evaluation may include one or more other analysts’ independent opinions and will include discussion of the patient’s financial situation and insurances.

[edit] Techniques
The basic method of psychoanalysis is interpretation of the patient’s unconscious conflicts that are interfering with current-day functioning – conflicts that are causing painful symptoms such as phobias, anxiety, depression, and compulsions. Strachey (1936) stressed that figuring out ways the patient distorted perceptions about the analyst led to understanding what may have been forgotten (also see Freud’s paper “Repeating, Remembering, and Working Through”). In particular, unconscious hostile feelings toward the analyst could be found in symbolic, negative reactions to what Robert Langs later called the “frame” of the therapy – the setup that included times of the sessions, payment of fees, and necessity of talking. In patients who made mistakes, forgot, or showed other peculiarities regarding time, fees, and talking, the analyst can usually find various unconscious “resistances” to the flow of thoughts (sometimes called free association).

Freud’s patients would lie on this couch during psychoanalysisWhen the patient reclines on a couch with the analyst out of view, the patient tends to remember more, experience more resistance and transference, and be able to reorganize thoughts after the development of insight – through the interpretive work of the analyst. Although fantasy life can be understood through the examination of dreams, masturbation fantasies (cf. Marcus, I. and Francis, J. (1975), Masturbation from Infancy to Senescence) are also important. The analyst is interested in how the patient reacts to and avoids such fantasies (cf. Paul Gray (1994), The Ego and the Analysis of Defense).[42] Various memories of early life are generally distorted – Freud called them “screen memories” – and in any case, very early experiences (before age two) – can not be remembered (See the child studies of Eleanor Galenson on “evocative memory”).

[edit] Variations in technique
There is what is known among psychoanalysts as “classical technique,” although Freud throughout his writings deviated from this considerably, depending on the problems of any given patient. Classical technique was summarized by Allan Compton, MD, as comprising instructions (telling the patient to try to say what’s on their mind, including interferences); exploration (asking questions); and clarification (rephrasing and summarizing what the patient has been describing). As well, the analyst can also use confrontation to bringing an aspect of functioning, usually a defense, to the patient’s attention. The analyst then uses a variety of interpretation methods, such as dynamic interpretation (explaining how being too nice guards against guilt, e.g. – defense vs. affect); genetic interpretation (explaining how a past event is influencing the present); resistance interpretation (showing the patient how they are avoiding their problems); transference interpretation (showing the patient ways old conflicts arise in current relationships, including that with the analyst); or dream interpretation (obtaining the patient’s thoughts about their dreams and connecting this with their current problems). Analysts can also use reconstruction to estimate what may have happened in the past that created some current issue.

These techniques are primarily based on conflict theory (see above). As object relations theory evolved, grass supplemented by the work of Bowlby, Ainsorth, and Beebe, techniques with patients who had more severe problems with basic trust (Erikson, 1950) and a history of maternal deprivation (see the works of Augusta Alpert) led to new techniques with adults. These have sometimes been called interpersonal, intersubjective (cf. Stolorow), relational, or corrective object relations techniques. These techniques include expressing an empathic attunement to the patient or warmth; exposing a bit of the analyst’s personal life or attitudes to the patient; allowing the patient autonomy in the form of disagreement with the analyst (cf. I.H. Paul, Letters to Simon.); and explaining the motivations of others which the patient misperceives. Ego psychological concepts of deficit in functioning led to refinements in supportive therapy. These techniques are particularly applicable to psychotic and near-psychotic (cf., Eric Marcus, “Psychosis and Near-psychosis”) patients. These supportive therapy techniques include discussions of reality; encouragement to stay alive (including hospitalization); psychotropic medicines to relieve overwhelming depressive affect or overwhelming fantasies (hallucinations and delusions); and advice about the meanings of things (to counter abstraction failures).

The notion of the “silent analyst” has been criticized. Actually, the analyst listens using Arlow’s approach as set out in “The Genesis of Interpretation”), using active intervention to interpret resistances, defenses creating pathology, and fantasies. Silence is not a technique of psychoanalysis (also see the studies and opinion papers of Owen Renik, MD). “Analytic Neutrality” is a concept that does not mean the analyst is silent. It refers to the analyst’s position of not taking sides in the internal struggles of the patient. For example, if a patient feels guilty, the analyst might explore what the patient has been doing or thinking that causes the guilt, but not reassure the patient not to feel guilty. The analyst might also explore the identifications with parents and others that led to the guilt.

Interpersonal-Relational psychoanalysts emphasize the notion that it is impossible to be neutral. Sullivan introduced the term “participant-observer” to indicate the analyst inevitably interacts with the analysand, and suggested the detailed inquiry as an alternative to interpretation. The detailed inquiry involves noting where the analysand is leaving out important elements of an account and noting when the story is obfuscated, and asking careful questions to open up the dialogue.

[edit] Group therapy and play therapy
Although single-client sessions remain the norm, psychoanalytic theory has been used to develop other types of psychological treatment. Psychoanalytic group therapy was pioneered by Trigant Burrow, Joseph Pratt, Paul F. Schilder, Samuel R. Slavson, Harry Stack Sullivan, and Wolfe. Child-centered counseling for parents was instituted early in analytic history by Freud, and was later further developed by Irwin Marcus, Edith Schulhofer, and Gilbert Kliman. Psychoanalytically based couples therapy has been promulgated and explicated by Fred Sander, MD. Techniques and tools developed in the 2000s have made psychoanalysis available to patients who were not treatable by earlier techniques. This meant that the analytic situation was modified so that it would be more suitable and more likely to be helpful for these patients. M.N. Eagle (2007) believes that psychoanalysis cannot be a self-contained discipline but instead must be open to influence from and integration with findings and theory from other disciplines.[43]

Psychoanalytic constructs have been adapted for use with children with treatments such as play therapy, art therapy, and storytelling. Throughout her career, from the 1920s through the 1970s, Anna Freud adapted psychoanalysis for children through play. This is still used today for children, especially those who are preadolescent (see Leon Hoffman, New York Psychoanalytic Institute Center for Children). Using toys and games, children are able to demonstrate, symbolically, their fears, fantasies, and defenses; although not identical, this technique, in children, is analogous to the aim of free association in adults. Psychoanalytic play therapy allows the child and analyst to understand children’s conflicts, particularly defenses such as disobedience and withdrawal, that have been guarding against various unpleasant feelings and hostile wishes. In art therapy, the counselor may have a child draw a portrait and then tell a story about the portrait. The counselor watches for recurring themes—regardless of whether it is with art or toys.

[edit] Cultural variations
Psychoanalysis can be adapted to different cultures, as long as the therapist or counseling understands the client’s culture. For example, Tori and Blimes found that defense mechanisms were valid in a normative sample of 2,624 Thais. The use of certain defense mechanisms was related to cultural values. For example Thais value calmness and collectiveness (because of Buddhist beliefs), so they were low on regressive emotionality. Psychoanalysis also applies because Freud used techniques that allowed him to get the subjective perceptions of his patients. He takes an objective approach by not facing his clients during his talk therapy sessions. He met with his patients wherever they were, such as when he used free association — where clients would say whatever came to mind without self-censorship. His treatments had little to no structure for most cultures, especially Asian cultures. Therefore, it is more likely that Freudian constructs will be used in structured therapy (Thompson, et al., 2004). In addition, Corey postulates that it will be necessary for a therapist to help clients develop a cultural identity as well as an ego identity.

[edit] Cost and length of treatment
The cost to the patient of psychoanalytic treatment ranges widely from place to place and between practitioners. Low-fee analysis is often available in a psychoanalytic training clinic and graduate schools. Otherwise, the fee set by each analyst varies with the analyst’s training and experience. Since, in most locations in the United States, unlike in Ontario and Germany, classical analysis (which usually requires sessions three to five times per week) is not covered by health insurance, many analysts may negotiate their fees with patients whom they feel they can help, but who have financial difficulties. The modifications of analysis, which include dynamic therapy, brief therapies, and certain types of group therapy (cf. Slavson, S. R., A Textbook in Analytic Group Therapy), are carried out on a less frequent basis – usually once, twice, or three times a week – and usually the patient sits facing the therapist.

Many studies have also been done on briefer “dynamic” treatments; these are more expedient to measure, and shed light on the therapeutic process to some extent. Brief Relational Therapy (BRT), Brief Psychodynamic Therapy (BPT), and Time-Limited Dynamic Therapy (TLDP) limit treatment to 20-30 sessions. On average, classical analysis may last 5.7 years, but for phobias and depressions uncomplicated by ego deficits or object relations deficits, analysis may run for a shorter period of time. Longer analyses are indicated for those with more serious disturbances in object relations, more symptoms, and more ingrained character pathology (such as obnoxiousness, severe passivity, or heinous procrastination).

[edit] Training and research
Psychoanalytic training in the United States, in most locations, involves personal analytic treatment for the trainee, conducted confidentially, with no report to the Education Committee of the Analytic Training Institute; approximately 600 hours of class instruction, with a standard curriculum, over a four-year period. Classes are often a few hours per week, or for a full day or two every other weekend during the academic year; this varies with the institute; and supervision once per week, with a senior analyst, on each analytic treatment case the trainee has. The minimum number of cases varies between institutes, often two to four cases. Male and female cases are required. Supervision must go on for at least a few years on one or more cases. Supervision is done in the supervisor’s office, where the trainee presents material from the analytic work that week, examines the unconscious conflicts with the supervisor, and learns, discusses, and is advised about technique.

Many psychoanalytic Training Centers in the United States have been accredited by special committees of the American Psychoanalytic Association[44] or the International Psychoanalytical Association. Because of theoretical differences, other independent institutes arose, usually founded by psychologists, who until 1987 were not permitted access to psychoanalytic training institutes of the American Psychoanalytic Association. Currently there are between seventy-five and one hundred independent institutes in the United States. As well, other institutes are affiliated to other organizations such as the American Academy of Psychoanalysis and Dynamic Psychiatry, and the National Association for the Advancement of Psychoanalysis. At most psychoanalytic institutes in the United States, qualifications for entry include a terminal degree in a mental health field, such as Ph.D., Psy.D., M.S.W., or M.D. A few institutes restrict applicants to those already holding an M.D. or Ph.D., and most institutes in Southern California confer a Ph.D. or Psy.D. in psychoanalysis upon graduation, which involves completion of the necessary requirements for the state boards that confer that doctoral degree.The first training institute in America to educate non-medical psychoanalysts was The National Psychological Association for Psychoanalysis., (1978) in New York City. It was founded by the world famous analyst Theodor Reik.

Some psychoanalytic training has been set up as a post-doctoral fellowship in university settings, such as at Duke University, Yale University, New York University, Adelphi University, and Columbia University. Other psychoanalytic institutes may not be directly associated with universities, but the faculty at those institutes usually hold contemporaneous faculty positions with psychology Ph.D. programs and/or with Medical School psychiatry residency programs.

The International Psychoanalytical Association (IPA) is the world’s primary accrediting and regulatory body for psychoanalysis. Their mission is to assure the continued vigour and development of psychoanalysis for the benefit of psychoanalytic patients. It works in partnership with its 70 constituent organizations in 33 countries to support 11,500 members. In the US, there are 77 psychoanalytical organizations, institutes associations in the United States, which are spread across the states of America. The American Psychoanalytic Association (APSaA) has 38 affiliated societies, which have ten or more active members who practice in a given geographical area. The aims of the APSaA and other psychoanalytical organizations are: provide ongoing educational opportunities for its members, stimulate the development and research of psychoanalysis, provide training and organize conferences. There are eight affiliated study groups in the USA (two of them are in Latin America). A study group is the first level of integration of a psychoanalytical body within the International Psychoanalytic Association (IPA), followed by a provisional society and finally a member society.

The Division of Psychoanalysis (39) of the American Psychological Association (APA) was established in the early 1980s by several psychologists. Until the establishment of the Division of Psychoanalysis, psychologists who had trained in independent institutes had no national organization. The Division of Psychoanalysis now has approximately 4,000 members and approximately thirty local chapters in the United States. The Division of Psychoanalysis holds two annual meetings/conferences and offers continuing education in theory, research and clinical technique, as do their affiliated local chapters. The European Psychoanalytical Federation (EPF) is the scientific organization that consolidates all European psychoanalytic societies. This organization is affiliated with the IPA. In 2002 there were approximately 3900 individual members in twenty-two countries, speaking eighteen different languages. There are also twenty-five psychoanalytic societies.

The National Membership Committee for Psychoanalysis in Clinical Social Work was also started in the mid-eighties to represent social work psychoanalysts. Founded by Crayton Rowe, MSW it included in its membership Rueben and Gertrude Blanck who were well known ego psychologists. Other notable members are Joyce Edward, Jean Sanville and Diana Siskind. Recently, NMCOP changed its name to the American Association of Psychoanalysis in Clinical Social Work (AAPCSW). The organization holds a bi-annual national conferences as well as numerous annual state and area meetings in 16 area chapters. These conferences provide sessions on theory, technique and research.

[edit] Psychoanalysis in Britain
The London Psychoanalytical Society was founded by Ernest Jones on 30 October 1913. With the expansion of psychoanalysis in the United Kingdom the Society was renamed the British Psychoanalytical Society in 1919. Soon after, the Institute of Psychoanalysis was established to administer the Society’s activities. These include: the training of psychoanalysts, the development of the theory and practice of psychoanalysis, the provision of treatment through The London Clinic of Psychoanalysis, the publication of books in The New Library of Psychoanalysis and Psychoanalytic Ideas. The Institute of Psychoanalysis also publishes The International Journal of Psychoanalysis, maintains a library, furthers research, and holds public lectures. The Society has a Code of Ethics and an Ethical Committee. The Society, the Institute and the Clinic are all located at Byron House.

The Society is a component of the International Psychoanalytical Association, a body with members on all five continents that safeguards professional and ethical practice. The Society is a member of the British Psychoanalytic Council (BPC); the BPC publishes a register of British psychoanalysts and psychoanalytical psychotherapists. All members of the British Psychoanalytical Society are required to undertake continuing professional development.

Through its work – and the work of its individual members – the British Psychoanalytical Society has made an unrivalled contribution the understanding and treatment of mental illness. Members of the Society have included Michael Balint, Wilfred Bion, John Bowlby, Anna Freud, Melanie Klein, Joseph Sandler, and Donald Winnicott.

The Institute of Psychoanalysis is the foremost publisher of psychoanalytic literature. The 24-volume Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud was conceived, translated, and produced under the direction of the British Psychoanalytical Society. The Society, in conjunction with Random House, will soon publish a new, revised and expanded Standard Edition. With [The New Library of Psychoanalysis] the Institute continues to publish the books of leading theorists and practitioners. The International Journal of Psychoanalysis is published by the Institute of Psychoanalysis. Now in its 84th year, it has one of the largest circulation of any psychoanalytic journal.

[edit] Research
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Over a hundred years of case reports and studies in the journal Modern Psychoanalysis, the Psychoanalytic Quarterly, the International Journal of Psychoanalysis and the Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association have analyzed efficacy of analysis in cases of neurosis and character or personality problems. Psychoanalysis modified by object relations techniques has been shown to be effective in many cases of ingrained problems of intimacy and relationship (cf. the many books of Otto Kernberg). As a therapeutic treatment, psychoanalytic techniques may be useful in a one-session consultation.[45] Psychoanalytic treatment, in other situations, may run from about a year to many years, depending on the severity and complexity of the pathology.

Psychoanalytic theory has, from its inception, been the subject of criticism and controversy. Freud remarked on this early in his career, when other physicians in Vienna ostracized him for his findings that hysterical conversion symptoms were not limited to women. Challenges to analytic theory began with Otto Rank and Adler (turn of the 20th century), continued with behaviorists (e.g. Wolpe) into the 1940s and ’50s, and have persisted. Criticisms come from those who object to the notion that there are mechanisms, thoughts or feelings in the mind that could be unconscious. Criticisms also have been leveled against the discovery of “infantile sexuality” (the recognition that children between ages two and six imagine things about procreation). Criticisms of theory have led to variations in analytic theories, such as the work of Fairbairn, Balint, and Bowlby. In the past 30 years or so, the criticisms have centered on the issue of empirical verification,[46] in spite of many empirical, prospective research studies that have been empirically validated (e.g., See the studies of Barbara Milrod, at Cornell University Medical School, et al.[citation needed]).

Psychoanalysis has been used as a research tool into childhood development (cf. the journal The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child), and has developed into a flexible, effective treatment for certain mental disturbances.[47] In the 1960s, Freud’s early (1905) thoughts on the childhood development of female sexuality were challenged; this challenge led to major research in the 1970s and 80s, and then to a reformulation of female sexual development that corrected some of Freud’s concepts.[48] Also see the various works of Eleanor Galenson, Nancy Chodorow, Karen Horney, Francoise Dolto, Melanie Klein, Selma Fraiberg, and others. Most recently, psychoanalytic researchers who have integrated attachment theory into their work, including Alicia Lieberman, Susan Coates, and Daniel Schechter have explored the role of parental traumatization in the development of young children’s mental representations of self and others.[49]

A 2005 review of randomized controlled trials found that “psychoanalytic therapy is (1) more effective than no treatment or treatment as usual, and (2) more effective than shorter forms of psychodynamic therapy”.[50] Empirical research on the efficacy of psychoanalysis and psychoanalytic psychotherapy has also become prominent among psychoanalytic researchers.

Research on psychodynamic treatment of some populations shows mixed results. Research by analysts such as Bertram Karon and colleagues at Michigan State University had suggested that when trained properly, psychodynamic therapists can be effective with schizophrenic patients. More recent research casts doubt on these claims. The Schizophrenia Patient Outcomes Research Team (PORT) report argues in its Recommendation 22 against the use of psychodynamic therapy in cases of schizophrenia, noting that more trials are necessary to verify its effectiveness. However, the PORT recommendation is based on the opinions of clinicians rather than on empirical data, and empirical data exist that contradict this recommendation (link to abstract).

A review of current medical literature in The Cochrane Library, (the updated abstract of which is available online) reached the conclusion that no data exist that demonstrate that psychodynamic psychotherapy is effective in treating schizophrenia. Dr. Hyman Spotnitz and the practitioners of his theory known as Modern Psychoanalysis, a specific sub-specialty, still report (2007) much success in using their enhanced version of psychoanalytic technique in the treatment of schizophrenia. Further data also suggest that psychoanalysis is not effective (and possibly even detrimental) in the treatment of sex offenders. Experiences of psychoanalysts and psychoanalytic psychotherapists and research into infant and child development have led to new insights. Theories have been further developed and the results of empirical research are now more integrated in the psychoanalytic theory.[51]

There are different forms of psychoanalysis and psychotherapies in which psychoanalytic thinking is practiced. Besides classical psychoanalysis there is for example psychoanalytic psychotherapy. Other examples of well known therapies which also use insights of psychoanalysis are Mentalization-Based Treatment (MBT), and Transference-Focused Psychotherapy (TFP).[51] There is also a continuing influence of psychoanalytic thinking in different settings in the mental health care.[52] To give an example: in the psychotherapeutic training in the Netherlands, psychoanalytic and system therapeutic theories, drafts, and techniques are combined and integrated. Other psychoanalytic schools include the Kleinian, Lacanian, and Winnicottian schools.

[edit] Criticism
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Both Freud and psychoanalysis have been criticized in very extreme terms.[53] Exchanges between critics and defenders of psychoanalysis have often been so heated that they have come to be characterized as the Freud Wars. Karl Popper argued that psychoanalysis is a pseudoscience because its claims are not testable and cannot be refuted; that is, they are not falsifiable.[54] For example, if a client’s reaction was not consistent with the psychosexual theory then an alternate explanation would be given (e.g. defense mechanisms, reaction formation). Karl Kraus, an Austrian satirist, was the subject of a book written by noted libertarian author Thomas Szasz. The book Anti-Freud: Karl Kraus’s Criticism of Psychoanalysis and Psychiatry, originally published under the name Karl Kraus and the Soul Doctors, portrayed Kraus as a harsh critic of Sigmund Freud and of psychoanalysis in general. Other commentators, such as Edward Timms, author of Karl Kraus – Apocalyptic Satirist, have argued that Kraus respected Freud, though with reservations about the application of some of his theories, and that his views were far less black-and-white than Szasz suggests.

Grünbaum argues that psychoanalytic based theories are falsifiable, but that the causal claims of psychoanalysis are unsupported by the available clinical evidence. Other schools of psychology have produced alternative methods for psychotherapy, including behavior therapy, cognitive therapy, Gestalt therapy and person-centered psychotherapy. Hans Eysenck determined that improvement was no greater than spontaneous remission.[citation needed] Between two-thirds and three-fourths of “neurotics” would recover naturally; this was no different from therapy clients. Prioleau, Murdock, Brody reviewed several therapy-outcome studies and determined that psychotherapy is not different from placebo controls.

Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze, as a sociological analysis without meaning to criticize,[citation needed] claimed that the institution of psychoanalysis has become a center of power and that its confessional techniques resemble the Christian tradition.[55] Strong criticism of certain forms of psychoanalysis is offered by psychoanalytical theorists. Jacques Lacan criticized the emphasis of some American and British psychoanalytical traditions on what he has viewed as the suggestion of imaginary “causes” for symptoms, and recommended the return to Freud.[56] Together with Gilles Deleuze, Félix Guattari criticised the Oedipal structure.[57] Luce Irigaray criticised psychoanalysis, employing Jacques Derrida’s concept of phallogocentrism to describe the exclusion of the woman from Freudian and Lacanian psychoanalytical theories.[58]

Due to the wide variety of psychoanalytic theories, varying schools of psychoanalysis often internally criticize each other. One consequence is that some critics offer criticism of specific ideas present only in one or more theories, rather than in all of psychoanalysis while not rejecting other premises of psychoanalysis. Defenders of psychoanalysis argue that many critics (such as feminist critics of Freud) have attempted to offer criticisms of psychoanalysis that were in fact only criticisms of specific ideas present only in one or more theories, rather than in all of psychoanalysis. As the psychoanalytic researcher Drew Westen puts it, “Critics have typically focused on a version of psychoanalytic theory—circa 1920 at best—that few contemporary analysts find compelling. In so doing, however, they have set the terms of the public debate and have led many analysts, I believe mistakenly, down an indefensible path of trying to defend a 75 to 100-year-old version of a theory and therapy that has changed substantially since Freud laid its foundations at the turn of the century.”[59] A further consideration with respect to cost is that in circumstances when lower cost treatment is provided to the patient as the analyst is funded by the government, then psychoanalytic treatment occurs at the expense other forms of more effective treatment.[60]

Freud’s psychoanalysis was criticized by his wife, Martha. René Laforgue reported Martha Freud saying, “I must admit that if I did not realize how seriously my husband takes his treatments, I should think that psychoanalysis is a form of pornography.” To Martha there was something vulgar about psychoanalysis, and she dissociated herself from it. According to Marie Bonaparte, Martha was upset with her husband’s work and his treatment of sexuality.[61]

[edit] Charges of fascism
Deleuze and Guattari, in their 1972 work Anti-Œdipus, take the cases of Gérard Mendel, Bela Grunberger and Janine Chasseguet-Smirgel, prominent members of the most respected associations (IPa), to suggest that, traditionally, psychoanalysis enthusiastically embraces a police state:[62]

“ As to those who refuse to be oedipalized in one form or another, at one end or the other in the treatment, the psychoanalyst is there to call the asylum or the police for help. The police on our side!—never did psychoanalysis better display its taste for supporting the movement of social repression, and for participating in it with enthusiasm. [...] notice of the dominant tone in the most respected associations: consider Dr. Mendel and the Drs Stéphane, the state of fury that is theirs, and their literally police-like appeal at the thought that someone might try to escape the Oedipal dragnet. Oedipus is one of those things that becomes all the more dangerous the less people believe in it; then the cops are there to replace the high priests. ”

Dr. Bela Grunberger and Dr. Janine Chasseguet-Smirgel were two psychoanalysts from the Paris section of the International Psychoanalytical Association (IPa). In November 1968, disguising themselves under the pseudonym André Stéphane, they published L’univers Contestationnaire, in which they assumed that the left-wing rioters of May 68 were totalitarian stalinists, and psychoanalyzed them saying that they were affected by a sordid infantilism caught up in an Oedipal revolt against the Father.[63][64]

Notably Lacan, mentioned this book with great disdain. While Grunberger and Chasseguet-Smirgel were still disguised under the pseudonym, Lacan remarked that for sure none of the authors belonged to his school, as none would debase themselves to such low drivel.[65] The IPa analysts responded accusing the Lacan school of “intellectual terrorism”.[63] Gérard Mendel, had instead published La révolte contre le père (1968) and Pour décoloniser l’enfant (1971).

[edit] Scientific criticism
Peter Medawar, an immunologist, said in 1975 that psychoanalysis is the “most stupendous intellectual confidence trick of the twentieth century”.[53] Early critics of psychoanalysis believed that its theories were based too little on quantitative and experimental research, and too much on the clinical case study method. Some even accused Freud of fabrication, most famously in the case of Anna O. (Borch-Jacobsen 1996). An increasing amount of empirical research from academic psychologists and psychiatrists has begun to address this criticism. A survey of scientific research suggested that while personality traits corresponding to Freud’s oral, anal, Oedipal, and genital phases can be observed, they do not necessarily manifest as stages in the development of children. These studies also have not confirmed that such traits in adults result from childhood experiences (Fisher & Greenberg, 1977, p. 399). However, these stages should not be viewed as crucial to modern psychoanalysis. What is crucial to modern psychoanalytic theory and practice is the power of the unconscious and the transference phenomenon.

The idea of “unconscious” is contested because human behavior can be observed while human mental activity has to be inferred. However, the unconscious is now a popular topic of study in the fields of experimental and social psychology (e.g., implicit attitude measures, fMRI, and PET scans, and other indirect tests). The idea of unconscious, and the transference phenomenon, have been widely researched and, it is claimed, validated in the fields of cognitive psychology and social psychology (Westen & Gabbard 2002), though a Freudian interpretation of unconscious mental activity is not held by the majority of cognitive psychologists. Recent developments in neuroscience have resulted in one side arguing that it has provided a biological basis for unconscious emotional processing in line with psychoanalytic theory i.e., neuropsychoanalysis (Westen & Gabbard 2002), while the other side argues that such findings make psychoanalytic theory obsolete and irrelevant.

E. Fuller Torrey, writing in Witchdoctors and Psychiatrists (1986), stated that psychoanalytic theories have no more scientific basis than the theories of traditional native healers, “witchdoctors” or modern “cult” alternatives such as est.[66] Some scientists regard psychoanalysis as a pseudoscience (Cioffi, 1998). Among philosophers, Karl Popper argued that Freud’s theory of the unconscious was not falsifiable and therefore not scientific.[54] Popper did not object to the idea that some mental processes could be unconscious but to investigations of the mind that were not falsifiable. In other words, if it were possible to connect every conceivable experimental outcome with Freud’s theory of the unconscious mind, then no experiment could refute the theory. Noam Chomsky has also criticized psychoanalysis for lacking a scientific basis.[67]

Mario Bunge, an epistemologist from McGill University, Canada, says that the psychoanalysis is pseudoscience, mostly because of its lack of coherence or correspondence with other well-established branches of science, like neurology, neurophysiology and psychiatry.

Some proponents of psychoanalysis suggest that its concepts and theories are more akin to those found in the humanities than those proper to the physical and biological/medical sciences, though Freud himself tried to base his clinical formulations on a hypothetical neurophysiology of energy transformations. For example, the philosopher Paul Ricoeur argued that psychoanalysis can be considered a type of textual interpretation or hermeneutics. Like cultural critics and literary scholars, Ricoeur contended, psychoanalysts spend their time interpreting the nuances of language — the language of their patients. Ricoeur claimed that psychoanalysis emphasizes the polyvocal or many-voiced qualities of language, focusing on utterances that mean more than one thing. Ricoeur classified psychoanalysis as a hermeneutics of suspicion. By this he meant that psychoanalysis searches for deception in language, and thereby destabilizes our usual reliance on clear, obvious meanings. Supporting criticism regarding the validity of psychoanalytic therapeutic technique, numerous outcome studies have shown that its efficacy is related to the quality of the therapist, rather than the psychoanalytic school or technique or training[68], while a french 2004 report from INSERM says instead, that psychoanalysis therapy is far less effective than other psychotherapies (among which Cognitive behavioral therapy).

[edit] Theoretical criticism
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Some theoretical criticism of psychoanalysis is based on the argument that it is over simplistic and reductive, because it reduces everything to the idea that we are all driven by our sexuality and does not take into consideration other factors.[citation needed] For example: class, political ideology, ecosystem or even spirituality.[citation needed] People like the Freudo-Marxist Wilhelm Reich redress this, as does Carl Gustav Jung[citation needed] by factoring in economic and political factors (such as relationship to the means of production in the case of Reich), culture and ideas like the paranormal in the case of Jung respectively. However, there is no clean break between the theories of Freud and Jung. For example, Jung’s theories on alchemy as externalised individuation were rooted in Freud’s ideas on projection but factored in culture and spiritual teachings. Psychoanalysts have often complained about the significant lack of theoretical agreement among analysts of different schools. Many authors have attempted to integrate the various theories, with limited success. However, with the publication of the Psychodynamic Diagnostic Manual much of this lack of cohesion has been resolved.

Jacques Derrida incorporated aspects of psychoanalytic theory into deconstruction in order to question what he called the ‘metaphysics of presence’. Freud’s insistence, in the first chapter of The Ego and the Id, that philosophers will recoil from his theory of the unconscious is clearly a forbear to Derrida’s understanding of metaphysical ’self-presence’. Derrida also turns some of these ideas against Freud, to reveal tensions and contradictions in his work. These tensions are the conditions upon which Freud’s work can operate. For example, although Freud defines religion and metaphysics as displacements of the identification with the father in the resolution of the Oedipal complex, Derrida insists in The Postcard: From Socrates to Freud and Beyond that the prominence of the father in Freud’s own analysis is itself indebted to the prominence given to the father in Western metaphysics and theology since Plato. Thus Derrida thinks that even though Freud remains within a theologico-metaphysical tradition[citation needed] of ‘phallologocentrism’, Freud nonetheless criticizes that tradition.

The purpose of Derrida’s analysis is not to refute Freud, which would only reaffirm traditional metaphysics[why?], but to reveal an undecidability at the heart of his project. This deconstruction of Freud casts doubt upon the possibility of delimiting psychoanalysis as a rigorous science. Yet it celebrates the side of Freud which emphasises the open-ended and improvisatory nature of psychoanalysis, and its methodical and ethical demand that the testimony of the analysand should be given prominence in the practice of analysis. Psychoanalysis, or at least the dominant version of it, has been denounced as patriarchal or phallocentric by some proponents of feminist theory.[citation needed] Other feminist scholars have argued that Freud opened up society to female sexuality, with French feminism based on psychoanalysis.[citation needed]

Some post-colonialists argue that psychoanalysis imposes a white, European model of human development on those without European heritage, hence they will argue Freud’s theories are a form or instrument of intellectual imperialism.

Freud’s psychology based analysis of Michelangelo’s Moses has received attention from several critics. Some critics have an appreciation for Freud’s interpretation because of the popularity of his psychoanalytical theories. Some find that his psychological approach is a unique way to analyze a piece of art. Others find his analysis flawed based on Biblical references.

[edit] References
Preconscious
Unconscious
Psychic apparatus
Id, ego, and super-ego
Libido
Drive
Transference
Countertransference
Ego defenses
Resistance
Projection

Psychoanalysis (or Freudian psychology) is a body of ideas developed by Austrian physician Sigmund Freud and continued by others. It is primarily devoted to the study of human psychological functioning and behavior, although it can also be applied to societies. Psychoanalysis has three main components:

1.a method of investigation of the mind and the way one thinks;
2.a systematized set of theories about human behavior;
3.a method of treatment of psychological or emotional illness.[1]
Under the broad umbrella of psychoanalysis, there are at least 22 theoretical orientations regarding human mentation and development. The various approaches in treatment called “psychoanalysis” vary as much as the theories do. The term also refers to a method of studying child development.

Freudian psychoanalysis refers to a specific type of treatment in which the “analysand” (analytic patient) verbalizes thoughts, including free associations, fantasies, and dreams, from which the analyst induces the unconscious conflicts causing the patient’s symptoms and character problems, and interprets them for the patient to create insight for resolution of the problems.

The specifics of the analyst’s interventions typically include confronting and clarifying the patient’s pathological defenses, wishes and guilt. Through the analysis of conflicts, including those contributing to resistance and those involving transference onto the analyst of distorted reactions, psychoanalytic treatment can clarify how patients unconsciously are their own worst enemies: how unconscious, symbolic reactions that have been stimulated by experience are causing symptoms.
The idea of psychoanalysis was developed in Vienna in the 1890s by Sigmund Freud, a neurologist interested in finding an effective treatment for patients with neurotic or hysterical symptoms. Freud had become aware of the existence of mental processes that were not conscious as a result of his neurological consulting job at the Children’s Hospital, where he noticed that many aphasic children had no organic cause for their symptoms. He wrote a monograph about this subject.[2] In the late 1880s, Freud obtained a grant to study with Jean-Martin Charcot, the famed neurologist and syphilologist, at the Salpêtrière in Paris. Charcot had become interested in patients who had symptoms that mimicked general paresis. Freud’s first theory to explain hysterical symptoms was the so-called “seduction theory”. Since his patients under treatment with this new method “remembered” incidents of having been sexually seduced in childhood, Freud believed that they had actually been abused only to later repress those memories. This led to his publication with Dr. Breuer in 1893 of case reports of the treatment of hysteria.[3] This first theory became untenable as an explanation of all incidents of hysteria. As a result of his work with his patients, Freud learned that the majority complained of sexual problems, especially coitus interruptus as birth control. He suspected their problems stemmed from cultural restrictions on sexual expression and that their sexual wishes and fantasies had been repressed. Between this discovery of the unexpressed sexual desires and the relief of the symptoms by abreaction, Freud began to theorize that the unconscious mind had determining effects on hysterical symptoms.

His first comprehensive attempt at an explanatory theory was the then unpublished Project for a Scientific Psychology in 1895.[4] In this work Freud attempted to develop a neurophysiologic theory based on transfer of energy by the neurons in the brain in order to explain unconscious mechanisms. He abandoned the project when he came to realize that there was a complicated psychological process involved over and above neuronal activity. By 1900, Freud had discovered that dreams had symbolic significance, and generally were specific to the dreamer. Freud formulated his second psychological theory— which postulates that the unconscious has or is a “primary process” consisting of symbolic and condensed thoughts, and a “secondary process” of logical, conscious thoughts. This theory was published in his 1900 opus magnum, The Interpretation of Dreams.[5] Chapter VII was a re-working of the earlier “Project” and Freud outlined his “Topographic Theory.” In this theory, which was mostly later supplanted by the Structural Theory, unacceptable sexual wishes were repressed into the “System Unconscious,” unconscious due to society’s condemnation of premarital sexual activity, and this repression created anxiety. Freud also discovered what most of us take for granted today: that dreams were symbolic and specific to the dreamer. Often, dreams give clues to unconscious conflicts, and for this reason, Freud referred to dreams as the “royal road to the Unconscious.”

[edit] 1900–1940s
This “topographic theory” is still popular in much of Europe, although it has been superseded in much of North America.[6] In 1905, Freud published Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality[7] in which he laid out his discovery of so-called psychosexual phases: oral (ages 0–2), anal (2-4), phallic-oedipal (today called 1st genital) (3-6), latency (6-puberty), and mature genital (puberty-onward). His early formulation included the idea that because of societal restrictions, sexual wishes were repressed into an unconscious state, and that the energy of these unconscious wishes could be turned into anxiety or physical symptoms. Therefore the early treatment techniques, including hypnotism and abreaction, were designed to make the unconscious conscious in order to relieve the pressure and the apparently resulting symptoms.

In On Narcissism (1915)[8] Freud turned his attention to the subject of narcissism. Still utilizing an energic system, Freud conceptualized the question of energy directed at the self versus energy directed at others, called cathexis. By 1917, In “Mourning and Melancholia,” he suggested that certain depressions were caused by turning guilt-ridden anger on the self.[9] In 1919 in “A Child is Being Beaten” he began to address the problems of self-destructive behavior (moral masochism) and frank sexual masochism.[10] Based on his experience with depressed and self-destructive patients, and pondering the carnage of WWI, Freud became dissatisfied with considering only oral and sexual motivations for behavior. By 1920, Freud addressed the power of identification (with the leader and with other members) in groups as a motivation for behavior (Group Psychology and Analysis of the Ego).[11] In that same year (1920) Freud suggested his “dual drive” theory of sexuality and aggression in Beyond the Pleasure Principle, to try to begin to explain human destructiveness.[12]

In 1923, he presented his new “structural theory” of an id, ego, and superego in a book entitled, The Ego and the Id.[13] Therein, he revised the whole theory of mental functioning, now considering that repression was only one of many defense mechanisms, and that it occurred to reduce anxiety. Note that repression, for Freud, is both a cause of anxiety and a response to anxiety. In 1926, in Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety, Freud laid out how intrapsychic conflict among drive and superego (wishes and guilt) caused anxiety, and how that anxiety could lead to an inhibition of mental functions, such as intellect and speech.[14]. Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety was written in response to Otto Rank, who, in 1924, published Das Trauma der Geburt (translated into English in 1929 as The Trauma of Birth), exploring how art, myth, religion, philosophy and therapy were illuminated by separation anxiety in the “phase before the development of the Oedipus complex” (p. 216). But there was no such phase in Freud’s theories. The Oedipus complex, Freud explained tirelessly, was the nucleus of the neurosis and the foundational source of all art, myth, religion, philosophy, therapy—indeed of all human culture and civilization. It was the first time that anyone in the inner circle had dared to suggest that the Oedipus complex might not be the only factor contributing to intrapsychic development

By 1936, the “Principle of Multiple Function” was clarified by Robert Waelder.[15] He widened the formulation that psychological symptoms were caused by and relieved conflict simultaneously. Moreover, symptoms (such as phobias and compulsions) each represented elements of some drive wish (sexual and/or aggressive), superego (guilt), anxiety, reality, and defenses. Also in 1936, Anna Freud, Sigmund’s famous daughter, published her seminal book, The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense, outlining numerous ways the mind could shut upsetting things out of consciousness.[16]

[edit] 1940s-2000s
Following the death of Freud, a new group of psychoanalysts began to explore the function of the ego. Led by Hartmann, Kris, Rappaport and Lowenstein, the group built upon understandings of the synthetic function of the ego as a mediator in psychic functioning. Hartmann in particular distinguished between autonomous ego functions (such as memory and intellect which could be secondarily affected by conflict) and synthetic functions which were a result of compromise formation. These “Ego Psychologists” of the ’50s paved a way to focus analytic work by attending to the defenses (mediated by the ego) before exploring the deeper roots to the unconscious conflicts. In addition there was burgeoning interest in child psychoanalysis. Although criticized since its inception, psychoanalysis has been used as a research tool into childhood development,[17] and has is still used to treat certain mental disturbances.[18] In the 1960s, Freud’s early thoughts on the childhood development of female sexuality were challenged; this challenge led to the development of a variety of understandings of female sexual development, many of which modified the timing and normality of several of Freud’s theories (which had been gleaned from the treatment of women with mental disturbances). Several researchers[19] followed Karen Horney’s studies of societal pressures that influence the development of women. Most contemporary North American psychoanalysts employ theories that, while based on those of Sigmund Freud, include many modifications of theory and practice developed since his death in 1939.

In the 2000s there are approximately 35 training institutes for psychoanalysis in the United States accredited by the American Psychoanalytic Association [4][20] which is a component organization of the International Psychoanalytical Association, and there are over 3,000 graduated psychoanalysts practicing in the United States. The International Psychoanalytical Association accredits psychoanalytic training centers throughout the rest of the world, including countries such as Serbia, France, Germany, Austria, Italy, Switzerland, and many others, as well as about six institutes directly in the U.S. Freud published a paper entitled The History of the Psychoanalytic Movement in 1914, German original being first published in the Jahrbuch der Psychoanalyse.[21]

[edit] Theories
The predominant psychoanalytic theories can be grouped into several theoretical “schools.” Although these theoretical “schools” differ, most of them continue to stress the strong influence of unconscious elements affecting people’s mental lives. There has also been considerable work done on consolidating elements of conflicting theory (cf. the work of Theodore Dorpat, B. Killingmo, and S. Akhtar). As in all fields of healthcare, there are some persistent conflicts regarding specific causes of some syndromes, and disputes regarding the best treatment techniques. In the 2000s, psychoanalytic ideas are embedded in Western culture, especially in fields such as childcare, education, literary criticism, cultural studies, and mental health, particularly psychotherapy. Though there is a mainstream of evolved analytic ideas, there are groups who follow the precepts of one or more of the later theoreticians. Psychoanalytic ideas also play roles in some types of literary analysis such as Archetypal literary criticism.

[edit] Topographic theory
Topographic theory was first described by Freud in “The Interpretation of Dreams” (1900)[22][23] The theory posits that the mental apparatus can be divided in to the systems Conscious, Pre-conscious and Unconscious. These systems are not anatomical structures of the brain but, rather, mental processes. Although Freud retained this theory throughout his life he largely replaced it with the Structural theory. The Topographic theory remains as one of the metapsychological points of view for describing how the mind functions in classical psychoanalytic theory.

[edit] Structural theory
Structural theory divides the psyche into the id, the ego, and the super-ego. The id is present at birth as the repository of basic instincts, which Freud called “Triebe” (“drives”): unorganised and unconscious, it operates merely on the ‘pleasure principle’, without realism or foresight. The ego develops slowly and gradually, being concerned with mediating between the urgings of the id and the realities of the external world; it thus operates on the ‘reality principle’. The super-ego is held to be the part of the ego in which self-observation, self-criticism and other reflective and judgemental faculties develop. The ego and the super-ego are both partly conscious and partly unconscious.

[edit] Ego psychology
Ego psychology was initially suggested by Freud in Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety (1926). The theory was refined by Hartmann, Loewenstein, and Kris in a series of papers and books from 1939 through the late 1960s. Leo Bellak was a later contributor. This series of constructs, paralleling some of the later developments of cognitive theory, includes the notions of autonomous ego functions: mental functions not dependent, at least in origin, on intrapsychic conflict. Such functions include: sensory perception, motor control, symbolic thought, logical thought, speech, abstraction, integration (synthesis), orientation, concentration, judgment about danger, reality testing, adaptive ability, executive decision-making, hygiene, and self-preservation. Freud noted that inhibition is one method that the mind may utilize to interfere with any of these functions in order to avoid painful emotions. Hartmann (1950s) pointed out that there may be delays or deficits in such functions.

Frosch (1964) described differences in those people who demonstrated damage to their relationship to reality, but who seemed able to test it. Deficits in the capacity to organize thought are sometimes referred to as blocking or loose associations (Bleuler), and are characteristic of the schizophrenias. Deficits in abstraction ability and self-preservation also suggest psychosis in adults. Deficits in orientation and sensorium are often indicative of a medical illness affecting the brain (and therefore, autonomous ego functions). Deficits in certain ego functions are routinely found in severely sexually or physically abused children, where powerful effects generated throughout childhood seem to have eroded some functional development.

Ego strengths, later described by Kernberg (1975), include the capacities to control oral, sexual, and destructive impulses; to tolerate painful affects without falling apart; and to prevent the eruption into consciousness of bizarre symbolic fantasy. Synthetic functions, in contrast to autonomous functions, arise from the development of the ego and serve the purpose of managing conflictual processes. Defenses are synthetic functions that protect the conscious mind from awareness of forbidden impulses and thoughts. One purpose of ego psychology has been to emphasize that some mental functions can be considered to be basic, rather than derivatives of wishes, affects, or defenses. However, autonomous ego functions can be secondarily affected because of unconscious conflict. For example, a patient may have an hysterical amnesia (memory being an autonomous function) because of intrapsychic conflict (wishing not to remember because it is too painful).

Taken together, the above theories present a group of metapsychological assumptions. Therefore, the inclusive group of the different classical theories provides a cross-sectional view of human mentation. There are six “points of view”, five described by Freud and a sixth added by Hartmann. Unconscious processes can therefore be evaluated from each of these six points of view. The “points of view” are: 1. Topographic 2. Dynamic (the theory of conflict) 3. Economic (the theory of energy flow) 4. Structural 5. Genetic (propositions concerning origin and development of psychological functions) and 6. Adaptational (psychological phenomena as it relates to the external world).[24]

[edit] Modern conflict theory
A variation of ego psychology, termed “modern conflict theory”, is more broadly an update and revision of structural theory (Freud, 1923, 1926); it does away with some of structural theory’s more arcane features, such as where repressed thoughts are stored. Modern conflict theory looks at how emotional symptoms and character traits are complex solutions to mental conflict.[25] It dispenses with the concepts of a fixed id, ego and superego, and instead posits conscious and unconscious conflict among wishes (dependent, controlling, sexual, and aggressive), guilt and shame, emotions (especially anxiety and depressive affect), and defensive operations that shut off from consciousness some aspect of the others. Moreover, healthy functioning (adaptive) is also determined, to a great extent, by resolutions of conflict.

A major objective of modern conflict-theory psychoanalysis is to change the balance of conflict in a patient by making aspects of the less adaptive solutions (also called “compromise formations”) conscious so that they can be rethought, and more adaptive solutions found. Current theoreticians following Brenner’s many suggestions (see especially Brenner’s 1982 book, The Mind in Conflict) include Sandor Abend, MD (Abend, Porder, & Willick, (1983), Borderline Patients: Clinical Perspectives), Jacob Arlow (Arlow and Brenner (1964), Psychoanalytic Concepts and the Structural Theory), and Jerome Blackman (2003), 101 Defenses: How the Mind Shields Itself).

[edit] Object relations theory
Object relations theory attempts to explain vicissitudes of human relationships through a study of how internal representations of self and of others are structured. The clinical symptoms that suggest object relations problems (typically developmental delays throughout life) include disturbances in an individual’s capacity to feel warmth, empathy, trust, sense of security, identity stability, consistent emotional closeness, and stability in relationships with chosen other human beings. (It is not suggested that one should trust everyone, for example). Concepts regarding internal representations (also sometimes termed, “introjects,” “self and object representations,” or “internalizations of self and other”) although often attributed to Melanie Klein, were actually first mentioned by Sigmund Freud in his early concepts of drive theory (1905, Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality). Freud’s 1917 paper “Mourning and Melancholia”, for example, hypothesized that unresolved grief was caused by the survivor’s internalized image of the deceased becoming fused with that of the survivor, and then the survivor shifting unacceptable anger toward the deceased onto the now complex self image.

Vamik Volkan, in “Linking Objects and Linking Phenomena,” expanded on Freud’s thoughts on this, describing the syndromes of “Established pathological mourning” vs. “reactive depression” based on similar dynamics. Melanie Klein’s hypotheses regarding internalizations during the first year of life, leading to paranoid and depressive positions, were later challenged by Rene Spitz (e.g., The First Year of Life, 1965), who divided the first year of life into a coenesthetic phase of the first six months, and then a diacritic phase for the second six months. Margaret Mahler (Mahler, Fine, and Bergman (1975), “The Psychological Birth of the Human Infant”) and her group, first in New York, then in Philadelphia, described distinct phases and subphases of child development leading to “separation-individuation” during the first three years of life, stressing the importance of constancy of parental figures, in the face of the child’s destructive aggression, to the child’s internalizations, stability of affect management, and ability to develop healthy autonomy.

Later developers of the theory of self and object constancy as it affects adult psychiatric problems such as psychosis and borderline states have been John Frosch, Otto Kernberg, and Salman Akhtar. Peter Blos described (1960, in a book called On Adolescence) how similar separation-individuation struggles occur during adolescence, of course with a different outcome from the first three years of life: the teen usually, eventually, leaves the parents’ house (this varies with the culture). During adolescence, Erik Erikson (1950–1960s) described the “identity crisis,” that involves identity-diffusion anxiety. In order for an adult to be able to experience “Warm-ETHICS” (warmth, empathy, trust, holding environment (Winnicott), identity, closeness, and stability) in relationships (see Blackman (2003), 101 Defenses: How the Mind Shields Itself), the teenager must resolve the problems with identity and redevelop self and object constancy.

[edit] Self psychology
Self psychology emphasizes the development of a stable and integrated sense of self through empathic contacts with other humans, primary significant others conceived of as “selfobjects.” Selfobjects meet the developing self’s needs for mirroring, idealization, and twinship, and thereby strengthen the developing self. The process of treatment proceeds through “transmuting internalizations” in which the patient gradually internalizes the selfobject functions provided by the therapist. Self psychology was proposed originally by Heinz Kohut, and has been further developed by Arnold Goldberg, Frank Lachmann, Paul and Anna Ornstein, Marian Tolpin, and others.

[edit] Jacques Lacan/Lacanian psychoanalysis
Lacanian psychoanalysis integrates psychoanalysis with semiotics and Hegelian philosophy, and is practiced throughout the world. It is especially popular in France and Latin America. Lacanian psychoanalysis is a departure from the traditional British and American psychoanalysis, which is predominantly Ego psychology. Lacan frequently used the phrase “retourner à Freud” in his seminars and writings meaning “back to Freud” as he claimed that his theories were an extension of Freud’s own, contrary to those of Anna Freud, the Ego Psychology, object relations and “self” theories and also claims the necessity of reading Freud’s complete works, not only a part of them. Lacan’s first major contributions concern the “mirror stage”, the Real, the Imaginary and the Symbolic, and the claim that “the unconscious is structured as a language”.[26]

Though a major influence on psychoanalysis in France and parts of Latin America, Lacan and his ideas have had little to no impact on psychoanalysis or psychotherapy in the English-speaking world.[27]

[edit] Interpersonal psychoanalysis
Interpersonal psychoanalysis accents the nuances of interpersonal interactions, particularly how individuals protect themselves from anxiety by establishing collusive interactions with others, and the relevance of actual experiences with other persons developmentally (e.g. family and peers) as well as in the present. This is contrasted with the primacy of intrapsychic forces, as in classical psychoanalysis. Interpersonal theory was first introduced by Harry Stack Sullivan, MD, and developed further by Frieda Fromm-Reichmann, Clara Thompson, Erich Fromm, and others who contributed to the founding of the William Alanson White Institute and Interpersonal Psychoanalysis in general.

[edit] Culturalist psychoanalysts
Main article: Culturalist psychoanalysts
Some psychoanalysts have been labeled culturalist, because of the prominence they gave on culture for the genesis of behavior.[28] Among others, Erich Fromm, Karen Horney, Harry Stack Sullivan, have been called culturalist psychoanalysts.[28] They were famously in conflict with orthodox psychoanalysts.[29]

[edit] Relational psychoanalysis
Relational psychoanalysis combines interpersonal psychoanalysis with object-relations theory and with Inter-subjective theory as critical for mental health, was introduced by Stephen Mitchell.[30] Relational psychoanalysis emphasizes how the individual’s personality is shaped by both real and imagined relationships with others, and how these relationship patterns are re-enacted in the interactions between analyst and patient. Fonagy and Target, in London, have propounded their view of the necessity of helping certain detached, isolated patients, develop the capacity for “mentalization” associated with thinking about relationships and themselves.

[edit] Interpersonal-Relational psychoanalysis
The term interpersonal-relational psychoanalysis is often used as a professional identification. Psychoanalysts under this broader umbrella debate about what precisely are the differences between the two schools, without any current clear consensus.

[edit] Intersubjective psychoanalysis
The term “intersubjectivity” was introduced in psychoanalysis by George E. Atwood and Robert Stolorow (1984). Intersubjective approaches emphasize how both personality development and the therapeutic process are influenced by the interrelationship between the patient’s subjective perspective and that of others. The authors of the interpersonal-relational and intersubjective approaches: Otto Rank, Heinz Kohut, Stephen A. Mitchell, Jessica Benjamin, Bernard Brandchaft, J. Fosshage, Donna M.Orange, Arnold “Arnie” Mindell, Thomas Ogden, Owen Renik, Irwin Z. Hoffman, Harold Searles, Colwyn Trewarthen, Edgar A. Levenson, Jay R. Greenberg, Edward R. Ritvo, Beatrice Beebe, Frank M. Lachmann, Herbert Rosenfeld and Daniel Stern.

[edit] Modern psychoanalysis
“Modern psychoanalysis” is a term coined by Hyman Spotnitz and his colleagues to describe a body of theoretical and clinical work undertaken from the 1950s onwards, with the aim of extending Freud’s theories so as to make them applicable to the full spectrum of emotional disorders. Interventions based on this approach are primarily intended to provide an emotional-maturational communication to the patient, rather than to promote intellectual insight.

[edit] Micropsychoanalysis
Micropsychoanalysis has, as Freudian psychoanalysis, the free association technique as its cornerstone. However, micropsychoanalysis complements the practice of classic Freudian psychoanalysis and supplements and enriches some theoretical concepts developed by Freud.[31] The main distintive characteristics of micropsychoanalysis are: average duration of sessions three hours, the rate of sessions is at least five per week and the study of memorabilia belonging to the analysand: personal and family pictures, [32] the making of the analysand’s Genealogical tree, the drawings of childhood houses and the study of family and love letters. The aim of these technical innovations is to facilitate the labour of free association and the establishment of a bridge with reality.[33] A micropsychoanalysis can be completed in about one year if working uninterruptedly or in about three years if working in installments of 6–9 weeks every year.[34] In the theoretical aspect, Fanti reworked the Freudian metapsychology by introducing the concepts of energy and void.[35] He also introduced the idea of the existence of different levels in the structures of the psyche put forward by Freud. For example, the unconscious and preconscious-conscious systems would comprise different levels of internal structure. According to the micropsychoanalytical model, instincts (trieb) surge from the energy, specifically from the tensional difference between energy and void.[36] A basic form of micropsychoanalysis was first conceived in the 1950s by Swiss psychiatrist Silvio Fanti [37][38] and developed systematically by himself and his collaborators, Pierre Codoni and Daniel Lysek, from the 1970s. Micropsychoanalysis is popular in France, Switzerland and Italy.

[edit] Psychopathology (mental disturbances)
[edit] Adult patients
The various psychoses involve deficits in the autonomous ego functions (see above) of integration (organization) of thought, in abstraction ability, in relationship to reality and in reality testing. In depressions with psychotic features, the self-preservation function may also be damaged (sometimes by overwhelming depressive affect). Because of the integrative deficits (often causing what general psychiatrists call “loose associations,” “blocking,” “flight of ideas,” “verbigeration,” and “thought withdrawal”), the development of self and object representations is also impaired. Clinically, therefore, psychotic individuals manifest limitations in warmth, empathy, trust, identity, closeness and/or stability in relationships (due to problems with self-object fusion anxiety) as well.

In patients whose autonomous ego functions are more intact, but who still show problems with object relations, the diagnosis often falls into the category known as “borderline.” Borderline patients also show deficits, often in controlling impulses, affects, or fantasies – but their ability to test reality remains more or less intact. Adults who do not experience guilt and shame, and who indulge in criminal behavior, are usually diagnosed as psychopaths, or, using DSM-IV-TR, antisocial personality disorder.

Panic, phobias, conversions, obsessions, compulsions and depressions (analysts call these “neurotic symptoms”) are not usually caused by deficits in functions. Instead, they are caused by intrapsychic conflicts. The conflicts are generally among sexual and hostile-aggressive wishes, guilt and shame, and reality factors. The conflicts may be conscious or unconscious, but create anxiety, depressive affect, and anger. Finally, the various elements are managed by defensive operations – essentially shut-off brain mechanisms that make people unaware of that element of conflict. “Repression” is the term given to the mechanism that shuts thoughts out of consciousness. “Isolation of affect” is the term used for the mechanism that shuts sensations out of consciousness. Neurotic symptoms may occur with or without deficits in ego functions, object relations, and ego strengths. Therefore, it is not uncommon to encounter obsessive-compulsive schizophrenics, panic patients who also suffer with borderline personality disorder, etc.

This section above is partial to ego psychoanalytic theory “autonomous ego functions.” As the “autonomous ego functions” theory is only a theory, it may yet be proven incorrect.

[edit] Childhood origins
Freudian theories point out that adult problems can be traced to unresolved conflicts from certain phases of childhood and adolescence. Freud, based on the data gathered from his patients early in his career, suspected that neurotic disturbances occurred when children were sexually abused in childhood (the so-called seduction theory). Later, Freud came to believe that, although child abuse occurs, not all neurotic symptoms were associated with this. He realized that neurotic people often had unconscious conflicts that involved incestuous fantasies deriving from different stages of development. He found the stage from about three to six years of age (preschool years, today called the “first genital stage”) to be filled with fantasies of having romantic relationships with both parents. Although arguments were generated in early 20th-century Vienna about whether adult seduction of children was the basis of neurotic illness, there is virtually no argument about this problem in the 21st century.

Many psychoanalysts who work with children have studied the actual effects of child abuse, which include ego and object relations deficits and severe neurotic conflicts. Much research has been done on these types of trauma in childhood, and the adult sequelae of those. On the other hand, many adults with symptom neuroses and character pathology have no history of childhood sexual or physical abuse. In studying the childhood factors that start neurotic symptom development, Freud found a constellation of factors that, for literary reasons, he termed the Oedipus complex (based on the play by Sophocles, Oedipus Rex, where the protagonist unwittingly kills his father Laius and marries his mother Jocasta). The shorthand term, “oedipal,” (later explicated by Joseph Sandler in “On the Concept Superego” (1960) and modified by Charles Brenner in “The Mind in Conflict” (1982)) refers to the powerful attachments that children make to their parents in the preschool years. These attachments involve fantasies of sexual relationships with either (or both) parent, and, therefore, competitive fantasies toward either (or both) parents. Humberto Nagera (1975) has been particularly helpful in clarifying many of the complexities of the child through these years.

The terms “positive” and “negative” oedipal conflicts have been attached to the heterosexual and homosexual aspects, respectively. Both seem to occur in development of most children. Eventually, the developing child’s concessions to reality (that they will neither marry one parent nor eliminate the other) lead to identifications with parental values. These identifications generally create a new set of mental operations regarding values and guilt, subsumed under the term “superego.” Besides superego development, children “resolve” their preschool oedipal conflicts through channeling wishes into something their parents approve of (“sublimation”) and the development, during the school-age years (“latency”) of age-appropriate obsessive-compulsive defensive maneuvers (rules, repetitive games).

[edit] Treatment
Using the various analytic theories to assess mental problems, several particular constellations of problems are particularly suited for analytic techniques (see below) whereas other problems respond better to medicines and different interpersonal interventions. To be treated with psychoanalysis, whatever the presenting problem, the person requesting help must demonstrate a desire to start an analysis. The person wishing to start an analysis must have some capacity for speech and communication. As well, they need to be able to have trust and empathy within the psychoanalytic session. Potential patients must undergo a preliminary stage of treatment to assess their amenability to psychoanalysis, at that time, and also to enable the analyst to form a working psychological model which the analyst will use to direct the treatment. Psychoanalysts mainly work with neurosis and hysteria in particular, however adapted forms of psychoanalysis are used in working with schizophrenia and other forms of psychosis. Finally, if a prospective patient is severely suicidal a longer preliminary stage may be employed, sometimes with sessions which have a twenty minute break in the middle. There are modifications of techniques due to the radically individualistic nature of each person’s analysis.

The most common problems treatable with psychoanalysis include: phobias, conversions, compulsions, obsessions, anxiety attacks, depressions, sexual dysfunctions, a wide variety of relationship problems (such as dating and marital strife), and a wide variety of character problems (for example, painful shyness, meanness, obnoxiousness, workaholism, hyperseductiveness, hyperemotionality, hyperfastidiousness). The fact that many of such patients also demonstrate deficits above makes diagnosis and treatment selection difficult.

Analytical organizations such as the International Psychoanalytic Association,[39] The American Psychoanalytic Association,[40] and the European Federation for Psychoanalytic Psychotherapy,[41] have established procedures and models for the indication and practice of psychoanalytical therapy for trainees in analysis. The match between the analyst and the patient can be viewed as another contributing factor for the indication and contraindication for psychoanalytic treatment. The analyst decides whether the patient is suitable for psychoanalysis. This decision made by the analyst, besides made on the usual indications and pathology, is also based to a certain degree by the “fit” between analyst and patient. A person’s suitability for analysis at any particular time is based on their desire to know something about where their illness has come from. Someone who is not suitable for analysis expresses no desire to know more about the root causes of their illness. An evaluation may include one or more other analysts’ independent opinions and will include discussion of the patient’s financial situation and insurances.

[edit] Techniques
The basic method of psychoanalysis is interpretation of the patient’s unconscious conflicts that are interfering with current-day functioning – conflicts that are causing painful symptoms such as phobias, anxiety, depression, and compulsions. Strachey (1936) stressed that figuring out ways the patient distorted perceptions about the analyst led to understanding what may have been forgotten (also see Freud’s paper “Repeating, Remembering, and Working Through”). In particular, unconscious hostile feelings toward the analyst could be found in symbolic, negative reactions to what Robert Langs later called the “frame” of the therapy – the setup that included times of the sessions, payment of fees, and necessity of talking. In patients who made mistakes, forgot, or showed other peculiarities regarding time, fees, and talking, the analyst can usually find various unconscious “resistances” to the flow of thoughts (sometimes called free association).

Freud’s patients would lie on this couch during psychoanalysisWhen the patient reclines on a couch with the analyst out of view, the patient tends to remember more, experience more resistance and transference, and be able to reorganize thoughts after the development of insight – through the interpretive work of the analyst. Although fantasy life can be understood through the examination of dreams, masturbation fantasies (cf. Marcus, I. and Francis, J. (1975), Masturbation from Infancy to Senescence) are also important. The analyst is interested in how the patient reacts to and avoids such fantasies (cf. Paul Gray (1994), The Ego and the Analysis of Defense).[42] Various memories of early life are generally distorted – Freud called them “screen memories” – and in any case, very early experiences (before age two) – can not be remembered (See the child studies of Eleanor Galenson on “evocative memory”).

[edit] Variations in technique
There is what is known among psychoanalysts as “classical technique,” although Freud throughout his writings deviated from this considerably, depending on the problems of any given patient. Classical technique was summarized by Allan Compton, MD, as comprising instructions (telling the patient to try to say what’s on their mind, including interferences); exploration (asking questions); and clarification (rephrasing and summarizing what the patient has been describing). As well, the analyst can also use confrontation to bringing an aspect of functioning, usually a defense, to the patient’s attention. The analyst then uses a variety of interpretation methods, such as dynamic interpretation (explaining how being too nice guards against guilt, e.g. – defense vs. affect); genetic interpretation (explaining how a past event is influencing the present); resistance interpretation (showing the patient how they are avoiding their problems); transference interpretation (showing the patient ways old conflicts arise in current relationships, including that with the analyst); or dream interpretation (obtaining the patient’s thoughts about their dreams and connecting this with their current problems). Analysts can also use reconstruction to estimate what may have happened in the past that created some current issue.

These techniques are primarily based on conflict theory (see above). As object relations theory evolved, grass supplemented by the work of Bowlby, Ainsorth, and Beebe, techniques with patients who had more severe problems with basic trust (Erikson, 1950) and a history of maternal deprivation (see the works of Augusta Alpert) led to new techniques with adults. These have sometimes been called interpersonal, intersubjective (cf. Stolorow), relational, or corrective object relations techniques. These techniques include expressing an empathic attunement to the patient or warmth; exposing a bit of the analyst’s personal life or attitudes to the patient; allowing the patient autonomy in the form of disagreement with the analyst (cf. I.H. Paul, Letters to Simon.); and explaining the motivations of others which the patient misperceives. Ego psychological concepts of deficit in functioning led to refinements in supportive therapy. These techniques are particularly applicable to psychotic and near-psychotic (cf., Eric Marcus, “Psychosis and Near-psychosis”) patients. These supportive therapy techniques include discussions of reality; encouragement to stay alive (including hospitalization); psychotropic medicines to relieve overwhelming depressive affect or overwhelming fantasies (hallucinations and delusions); and advice about the meanings of things (to counter abstraction failures).

The notion of the “silent analyst” has been criticized. Actually, the analyst listens using Arlow’s approach as set out in “The Genesis of Interpretation”), using active intervention to interpret resistances, defenses creating pathology, and fantasies. Silence is not a technique of psychoanalysis (also see the studies and opinion papers of Owen Renik, MD). “Analytic Neutrality” is a concept that does not mean the analyst is silent. It refers to the analyst’s position of not taking sides in the internal struggles of the patient. For example, if a patient feels guilty, the analyst might explore what the patient has been doing or thinking that causes the guilt, but not reassure the patient not to feel guilty. The analyst might also explore the identifications with parents and others that led to the guilt.

Interpersonal-Relational psychoanalysts emphasize the notion that it is impossible to be neutral. Sullivan introduced the term “participant-observer” to indicate the analyst inevitably interacts with the analysand, and suggested the detailed inquiry as an alternative to interpretation. The detailed inquiry involves noting where the analysand is leaving out important elements of an account and noting when the story is obfuscated, and asking careful questions to open up the dialogue.

[edit] Group therapy and play therapy
Although single-client sessions remain the norm, psychoanalytic theory has been used to develop other types of psychological treatment. Psychoanalytic group therapy was pioneered by Trigant Burrow, Joseph Pratt, Paul F. Schilder, Samuel R. Slavson, Harry Stack Sullivan, and Wolfe. Child-centered counseling for parents was instituted early in analytic history by Freud, and was later further developed by Irwin Marcus, Edith Schulhofer, and Gilbert Kliman. Psychoanalytically based couples therapy has been promulgated and explicated by Fred Sander, MD. Techniques and tools developed in the 2000s have made psychoanalysis available to patients who were not treatable by earlier techniques. This meant that the analytic situation was modified so that it would be more suitable and more likely to be helpful for these patients. M.N. Eagle (2007) believes that psychoanalysis cannot be a self-contained discipline but instead must be open to influence from and integration with findings and theory from other disciplines.[43]

Psychoanalytic constructs have been adapted for use with children with treatments such as play therapy, art therapy, and storytelling. Throughout her career, from the 1920s through the 1970s, Anna Freud adapted psychoanalysis for children through play. This is still used today for children, especially those who are preadolescent (see Leon Hoffman, New York Psychoanalytic Institute Center for Children). Using toys and games, children are able to demonstrate, symbolically, their fears, fantasies, and defenses; although not identical, this technique, in children, is analogous to the aim of free association in adults. Psychoanalytic play therapy allows the child and analyst to understand children’s conflicts, particularly defenses such as disobedience and withdrawal, that have been guarding against various unpleasant feelings and hostile wishes. In art therapy, the counselor may have a child draw a portrait and then tell a story about the portrait. The counselor watches for recurring themes—regardless of whether it is with art or toys.

[edit] Cultural variations
Psychoanalysis can be adapted to different cultures, as long as the therapist or counseling understands the client’s culture. For example, Tori and Blimes found that defense mechanisms were valid in a normative sample of 2,624 Thais. The use of certain defense mechanisms was related to cultural values. For example Thais value calmness and collectiveness (because of Buddhist beliefs), so they were low on regressive emotionality. Psychoanalysis also applies because Freud used techniques that allowed him to get the subjective perceptions of his patients. He takes an objective approach by not facing his clients during his talk therapy sessions. He met with his patients wherever they were, such as when he used free association — where clients would say whatever came to mind without self-censorship. His treatments had little to no structure for most cultures, especially Asian cultures. Therefore, it is more likely that Freudian constructs will be used in structured therapy (Thompson, et al., 2004). In addition, Corey postulates that it will be necessary for a therapist to help clients develop a cultural identity as well as an ego identity.

[edit] Cost and length of treatment
The cost to the patient of psychoanalytic treatment ranges widely from place to place and between practitioners. Low-fee analysis is often available in a psychoanalytic training clinic and graduate schools. Otherwise, the fee set by each analyst varies with the analyst’s training and experience. Since, in most locations in the United States, unlike in Ontario and Germany, classical analysis (which usually requires sessions three to five times per week) is not covered by health insurance, many analysts may negotiate their fees with patients whom they feel they can help, but who have financial difficulties. The modifications of analysis, which include dynamic therapy, brief therapies, and certain types of group therapy (cf. Slavson, S. R., A Textbook in Analytic Group Therapy), are carried out on a less frequent basis – usually once, twice, or three times a week – and usually the patient sits facing the therapist.

Many studies have also been done on briefer “dynamic” treatments; these are more expedient to measure, and shed light on the therapeutic process to some extent. Brief Relational Therapy (BRT), Brief Psychodynamic Therapy (BPT), and Time-Limited Dynamic Therapy (TLDP) limit treatment to 20-30 sessions. On average, classical analysis may last 5.7 years, but for phobias and depressions uncomplicated by ego deficits or object relations deficits, analysis may run for a shorter period of time. Longer analyses are indicated for those with more serious disturbances in object relations, more symptoms, and more ingrained character pathology (such as obnoxiousness, severe passivity, or heinous procrastination).

[edit] Training and research
Psychoanalytic training in the United States, in most locations, involves personal analytic treatment for the trainee, conducted confidentially, with no report to the Education Committee of the Analytic Training Institute; approximately 600 hours of class instruction, with a standard curriculum, over a four-year period. Classes are often a few hours per week, or for a full day or two every other weekend during the academic year; this varies with the institute; and supervision once per week, with a senior analyst, on each analytic treatment case the trainee has. The minimum number of cases varies between institutes, often two to four cases. Male and female cases are required. Supervision must go on for at least a few years on one or more cases. Supervision is done in the supervisor’s office, where the trainee presents material from the analytic work that week, examines the unconscious conflicts with the supervisor, and learns, discusses, and is advised about technique.

Many psychoanalytic Training Centers in the United States have been accredited by special committees of the American Psychoanalytic Association[44] or the International Psychoanalytical Association. Because of theoretical differences, other independent institutes arose, usually founded by psychologists, who until 1987 were not permitted access to psychoanalytic training institutes of the American Psychoanalytic Association. Currently there are between seventy-five and one hundred independent institutes in the United States. As well, other institutes are affiliated to other organizations such as the American Academy of Psychoanalysis and Dynamic Psychiatry, and the National Association for the Advancement of Psychoanalysis. At most psychoanalytic institutes in the United States, qualifications for entry include a terminal degree in a mental health field, such as Ph.D., Psy.D., M.S.W., or M.D. A few institutes restrict applicants to those already holding an M.D. or Ph.D., and most institutes in Southern California confer a Ph.D. or Psy.D. in psychoanalysis upon graduation, which involves completion of the necessary requirements for the state boards that confer that doctoral degree.The first training institute in America to educate non-medical psychoanalysts was The National Psychological Association for Psychoanalysis., (1978) in New York City. It was founded by the world famous analyst Theodor Reik.

Some psychoanalytic training has been set up as a post-doctoral fellowship in university settings, such as at Duke University, Yale University, New York University, Adelphi University, and Columbia University. Other psychoanalytic institutes may not be directly associated with universities, but the faculty at those institutes usually hold contemporaneous faculty positions with psychology Ph.D. programs and/or with Medical School psychiatry residency programs.

The International Psychoanalytical Association (IPA) is the world’s primary accrediting and regulatory body for psychoanalysis. Their mission is to assure the continued vigour and development of psychoanalysis for the benefit of psychoanalytic patients. It works in partnership with its 70 constituent organizations in 33 countries to support 11,500 members. In the US, there are 77 psychoanalytical organizations, institutes associations in the United States, which are spread across the states of America. The American Psychoanalytic Association (APSaA) has 38 affiliated societies, which have ten or more active members who practice in a given geographical area. The aims of the APSaA and other psychoanalytical organizations are: provide ongoing educational opportunities for its members, stimulate the development and research of psychoanalysis, provide training and organize conferences. There are eight affiliated study groups in the USA (two of them are in Latin America). A study group is the first level of integration of a psychoanalytical body within the International Psychoanalytic Association (IPA), followed by a provisional society and finally a member society.

The Division of Psychoanalysis (39) of the American Psychological Association (APA) was established in the early 1980s by several psychologists. Until the establishment of the Division of Psychoanalysis, psychologists who had trained in independent institutes had no national organization. The Division of Psychoanalysis now has approximately 4,000 members and approximately thirty local chapters in the United States. The Division of Psychoanalysis holds two annual meetings/conferences and offers continuing education in theory, research and clinical technique, as do their affiliated local chapters. The European Psychoanalytical Federation (EPF) is the scientific organization that consolidates all European psychoanalytic societies. This organization is affiliated with the IPA. In 2002 there were approximately 3900 individual members in twenty-two countries, speaking eighteen different languages. There are also twenty-five psychoanalytic societies.

The National Membership Committee for Psychoanalysis in Clinical Social Work was also started in the mid-eighties to represent social work psychoanalysts. Founded by Crayton Rowe, MSW it included in its membership Rueben and Gertrude Blanck who were well known ego psychologists. Other notable members are Joyce Edward, Jean Sanville and Diana Siskind. Recently, NMCOP changed its name to the American Association of Psychoanalysis in Clinical Social Work (AAPCSW). The organization holds a bi-annual national conferences as well as numerous annual state and area meetings in 16 area chapters. These conferences provide sessions on theory, technique and research.

[edit] Psychoanalysis in Britain
The London Psychoanalytical Society was founded by Ernest Jones on 30 October 1913. With the expansion of psychoanalysis in the United Kingdom the Society was renamed the British Psychoanalytical Society in 1919. Soon after, the Institute of Psychoanalysis was established to administer the Society’s activities. These include: the training of psychoanalysts, the development of the theory and practice of psychoanalysis, the provision of treatment through The London Clinic of Psychoanalysis, the publication of books in The New Library of Psychoanalysis and Psychoanalytic Ideas. The Institute of Psychoanalysis also publishes The International Journal of Psychoanalysis, maintains a library, furthers research, and holds public lectures. The Society has a Code of Ethics and an Ethical Committee. The Society, the Institute and the Clinic are all located at Byron House.

The Society is a component of the International Psychoanalytical Association, a body with members on all five continents that safeguards professional and ethical practice. The Society is a member of the British Psychoanalytic Council (BPC); the BPC publishes a register of British psychoanalysts and psychoanalytical psychotherapists. All members of the British Psychoanalytical Society are required to undertake continuing professional development.

Through its work – and the work of its individual members – the British Psychoanalytical Society has made an unrivalled contribution the understanding and treatment of mental illness. Members of the Society have included Michael Balint, Wilfred Bion, John Bowlby, Anna Freud, Melanie Klein, Joseph Sandler, and Donald Winnicott.

The Institute of Psychoanalysis is the foremost publisher of psychoanalytic literature. The 24-volume Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud was conceived, translated, and produced under the direction of the British Psychoanalytical Society. The Society, in conjunction with Random House, will soon publish a new, revised and expanded Standard Edition. With [The New Library of Psychoanalysis] the Institute continues to publish the books of leading theorists and practitioners. The International Journal of Psychoanalysis is published by the Institute of Psychoanalysis. Now in its 84th year, it has one of the largest circulation of any psychoanalytic journal.

[edit] Research
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Over a hundred years of case reports and studies in the journal Modern Psychoanalysis, the Psychoanalytic Quarterly, the International Journal of Psychoanalysis and the Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association have analyzed efficacy of analysis in cases of neurosis and character or personality problems. Psychoanalysis modified by object relations techniques has been shown to be effective in many cases of ingrained problems of intimacy and relationship (cf. the many books of Otto Kernberg). As a therapeutic treatment, psychoanalytic techniques may be useful in a one-session consultation.[45] Psychoanalytic treatment, in other situations, may run from about a year to many years, depending on the severity and complexity of the pathology.

Psychoanalytic theory has, from its inception, been the subject of criticism and controversy. Freud remarked on this early in his career, when other physicians in Vienna ostracized him for his findings that hysterical conversion symptoms were not limited to women. Challenges to analytic theory began with Otto Rank and Adler (turn of the 20th century), continued with behaviorists (e.g. Wolpe) into the 1940s and ’50s, and have persisted. Criticisms come from those who object to the notion that there are mechanisms, thoughts or feelings in the mind that could be unconscious. Criticisms also have been leveled against the discovery of “infantile sexuality” (the recognition that children between ages two and six imagine things about procreation). Criticisms of theory have led to variations in analytic theories, such as the work of Fairbairn, Balint, and Bowlby. In the past 30 years or so, the criticisms have centered on the issue of empirical verification,[46] in spite of many empirical, prospective research studies that have been empirically validated (e.g., See the studies of Barbara Milrod, at Cornell University Medical School, et al.[citation needed]).

Psychoanalysis has been used as a research tool into childhood development (cf. the journal The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child), and has developed into a flexible, effective treatment for certain mental disturbances.[47] In the 1960s, Freud’s early (1905) thoughts on the childhood development of female sexuality were challenged; this challenge led to major research in the 1970s and 80s, and then to a reformulation of female sexual development that corrected some of Freud’s concepts.[48] Also see the various works of Eleanor Galenson, Nancy Chodorow, Karen Horney, Francoise Dolto, Melanie Klein, Selma Fraiberg, and others. Most recently, psychoanalytic researchers who have integrated attachment theory into their work, including Alicia Lieberman, Susan Coates, and Daniel Schechter have explored the role of parental traumatization in the development of young children’s mental representations of self and others.[49]

A 2005 review of randomized controlled trials found that “psychoanalytic therapy is (1) more effective than no treatment or treatment as usual, and (2) more effective than shorter forms of psychodynamic therapy”.[50] Empirical research on the efficacy of psychoanalysis and psychoanalytic psychotherapy has also become prominent among psychoanalytic researchers.

Research on psychodynamic treatment of some populations shows mixed results. Research by analysts such as Bertram Karon and colleagues at Michigan State University had suggested that when trained properly, psychodynamic therapists can be effective with schizophrenic patients. More recent research casts doubt on these claims. The Schizophrenia Patient Outcomes Research Team (PORT) report argues in its Recommendation 22 against the use of psychodynamic therapy in cases of schizophrenia, noting that more trials are necessary to verify its effectiveness. However, the PORT recommendation is based on the opinions of clinicians rather than on empirical data, and empirical data exist that contradict this recommendation (link to abstract).

A review of current medical literature in The Cochrane Library, (the updated abstract of which is available online) reached the conclusion that no data exist that demonstrate that psychodynamic psychotherapy is effective in treating schizophrenia. Dr. Hyman Spotnitz and the practitioners of his theory known as Modern Psychoanalysis, a specific sub-specialty, still report (2007) much success in using their enhanced version of psychoanalytic technique in the treatment of schizophrenia. Further data also suggest that psychoanalysis is not effective (and possibly even detrimental) in the treatment of sex offenders. Experiences of psychoanalysts and psychoanalytic psychotherapists and research into infant and child development have led to new insights. Theories have been further developed and the results of empirical research are now more integrated in the psychoanalytic theory.[51]

There are different forms of psychoanalysis and psychotherapies in which psychoanalytic thinking is practiced. Besides classical psychoanalysis there is for example psychoanalytic psychotherapy. Other examples of well known therapies which also use insights of psychoanalysis are Mentalization-Based Treatment (MBT), and Transference-Focused Psychotherapy (TFP).[51] There is also a continuing influence of psychoanalytic thinking in different settings in the mental health care.[52] To give an example: in the psychotherapeutic training in the Netherlands, psychoanalytic and system therapeutic theories, drafts, and techniques are combined and integrated. Other psychoanalytic schools include the Kleinian, Lacanian, and Winnicottian schools.

[edit] Criticism
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Both Freud and psychoanalysis have been criticized in very extreme terms.[53] Exchanges between critics and defenders of psychoanalysis have often been so heated that they have come to be characterized as the Freud Wars. Karl Popper argued that psychoanalysis is a pseudoscience because its claims are not testable and cannot be refuted; that is, they are not falsifiable.[54] For example, if a client’s reaction was not consistent with the psychosexual theory then an alternate explanation would be given (e.g. defense mechanisms, reaction formation). Karl Kraus, an Austrian satirist, was the subject of a book written by noted libertarian author Thomas Szasz. The book Anti-Freud: Karl Kraus’s Criticism of Psychoanalysis and Psychiatry, originally published under the name Karl Kraus and the Soul Doctors, portrayed Kraus as a harsh critic of Sigmund Freud and of psychoanalysis in general. Other commentators, such as Edward Timms, author of Karl Kraus – Apocalyptic Satirist, have argued that Kraus respected Freud, though with reservations about the application of some of his theories, and that his views were far less black-and-white than Szasz suggests.

Grünbaum argues that psychoanalytic based theories are falsifiable, but that the causal claims of psychoanalysis are unsupported by the available clinical evidence. Other schools of psychology have produced alternative methods for psychotherapy, including behavior therapy, cognitive therapy, Gestalt therapy and person-centered psychotherapy. Hans Eysenck determined that improvement was no greater than spontaneous remission.[citation needed] Between two-thirds and three-fourths of “neurotics” would recover naturally; this was no different from therapy clients. Prioleau, Murdock, Brody reviewed several therapy-outcome studies and determined that psychotherapy is not different from placebo controls.

Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze, as a sociological analysis without meaning to criticize,[citation needed] claimed that the institution of psychoanalysis has become a center of power and that its confessional techniques resemble the Christian tradition.[55] Strong criticism of certain forms of psychoanalysis is offered by psychoanalytical theorists. Jacques Lacan criticized the emphasis of some American and British psychoanalytical traditions on what he has viewed as the suggestion of imaginary “causes” for symptoms, and recommended the return to Freud.[56] Together with Gilles Deleuze, Félix Guattari criticised the Oedipal structure.[57] Luce Irigaray criticised psychoanalysis, employing Jacques Derrida’s concept of phallogocentrism to describe the exclusion of the woman from Freudian and Lacanian psychoanalytical theories.[58]

Due to the wide variety of psychoanalytic theories, varying schools of psychoanalysis often internally criticize each other. One consequence is that some critics offer criticism of specific ideas present only in one or more theories, rather than in all of psychoanalysis while not rejecting other premises of psychoanalysis. Defenders of psychoanalysis argue that many critics (such as feminist critics of Freud) have attempted to offer criticisms of psychoanalysis that were in fact only criticisms of specific ideas present only in one or more theories, rather than in all of psychoanalysis. As the psychoanalytic researcher Drew Westen puts it, “Critics have typically focused on a version of psychoanalytic theory—circa 1920 at best—that few contemporary analysts find compelling. In so doing, however, they have set the terms of the public debate and have led many analysts, I believe mistakenly, down an indefensible path of trying to defend a 75 to 100-year-old version of a theory and therapy that has changed substantially since Freud laid its foundations at the turn of the century.”[59] A further consideration with respect to cost is that in circumstances when lower cost treatment is provided to the patient as the analyst is funded by the government, then psychoanalytic treatment occurs at the expense other forms of more effective treatment.[60]

Freud’s psychoanalysis was criticized by his wife, Martha. René Laforgue reported Martha Freud saying, “I must admit that if I did not realize how seriously my husband takes his treatments, I should think that psychoanalysis is a form of pornography.” To Martha there was something vulgar about psychoanalysis, and she dissociated herself from it. According to Marie Bonaparte, Martha was upset with her husband’s work and his treatment of sexuality.[61]

[edit] Charges of fascism
Deleuze and Guattari, in their 1972 work Anti-Œdipus, take the cases of Gérard Mendel, Bela Grunberger and Janine Chasseguet-Smirgel, prominent members of the most respected associations (IPa), to suggest that, traditionally, psychoanalysis enthusiastically embraces a police state:[62]

“ As to those who refuse to be oedipalized in one form or another, at one end or the other in the treatment, the psychoanalyst is there to call the asylum or the police for help. The police on our side!—never did psychoanalysis better display its taste for supporting the movement of social repression, and for participating in it with enthusiasm. [...] notice of the dominant tone in the most respected associations: consider Dr. Mendel and the Drs Stéphane, the state of fury that is theirs, and their literally police-like appeal at the thought that someone might try to escape the Oedipal dragnet. Oedipus is one of those things that becomes all the more dangerous the less people believe in it; then the cops are there to replace the high priests. ”

Dr. Bela Grunberger and Dr. Janine Chasseguet-Smirgel were two psychoanalysts from the Paris section of the International Psychoanalytical Association (IPa). In November 1968, disguising themselves under the pseudonym André Stéphane, they published L’univers Contestationnaire, in which they assumed that the left-wing rioters of May 68 were totalitarian stalinists, and psychoanalyzed them saying that they were affected by a sordid infantilism caught up in an Oedipal revolt against the Father.[63][64]

Notably Lacan, mentioned this book with great disdain. While Grunberger and Chasseguet-Smirgel were still disguised under the pseudonym, Lacan remarked that for sure none of the authors belonged to his school, as none would debase themselves to such low drivel.[65] The IPa analysts responded accusing the Lacan school of “intellectual terrorism”.[63] Gérard Mendel, had instead published La révolte contre le père (1968) and Pour décoloniser l’enfant (1971).

[edit] Scientific criticism
Peter Medawar, an immunologist, said in 1975 that psychoanalysis is the “most stupendous intellectual confidence trick of the twentieth century”.[53] Early critics of psychoanalysis believed that its theories were based too little on quantitative and experimental research, and too much on the clinical case study method. Some even accused Freud of fabrication, most famously in the case of Anna O. (Borch-Jacobsen 1996). An increasing amount of empirical research from academic psychologists and psychiatrists has begun to address this criticism. A survey of scientific research suggested that while personality traits corresponding to Freud’s oral, anal, Oedipal, and genital phases can be observed, they do not necessarily manifest as stages in the development of children. These studies also have not confirmed that such traits in adults result from childhood experiences (Fisher & Greenberg, 1977, p. 399). However, these stages should not be viewed as crucial to modern psychoanalysis. What is crucial to modern psychoanalytic theory and practice is the power of the unconscious and the transference phenomenon.

The idea of “unconscious” is contested because human behavior can be observed while human mental activity has to be inferred. However, the unconscious is now a popular topic of study in the fields of experimental and social psychology (e.g., implicit attitude measures, fMRI, and PET scans, and other indirect tests). The idea of unconscious, and the transference phenomenon, have been widely researched and, it is claimed, validated in the fields of cognitive psychology and social psychology (Westen & Gabbard 2002), though a Freudian interpretation of unconscious mental activity is not held by the majority of cognitive psychologists. Recent developments in neuroscience have resulted in one side arguing that it has provided a biological basis for unconscious emotional processing in line with psychoanalytic theory i.e., neuropsychoanalysis (Westen & Gabbard 2002), while the other side argues that such findings make psychoanalytic theory obsolete and irrelevant.

E. Fuller Torrey, writing in Witchdoctors and Psychiatrists (1986), stated that psychoanalytic theories have no more scientific basis than the theories of traditional native healers, “witchdoctors” or modern “cult” alternatives such as est.[66] Some scientists regard psychoanalysis as a pseudoscience (Cioffi, 1998). Among philosophers, Karl Popper argued that Freud’s theory of the unconscious was not falsifiable and therefore not scientific.[54] Popper did not object to the idea that some mental processes could be unconscious but to investigations of the mind that were not falsifiable. In other words, if it were possible to connect every conceivable experimental outcome with Freud’s theory of the unconscious mind, then no experiment could refute the theory. Noam Chomsky has also criticized psychoanalysis for lacking a scientific basis.[67]

Mario Bunge, an epistemologist from McGill University, Canada, says that the psychoanalysis is pseudoscience, mostly because of its lack of coherence or correspondence with other well-established branches of science, like neurology, neurophysiology and psychiatry.

Some proponents of psychoanalysis suggest that its concepts and theories are more akin to those found in the humanities than those proper to the physical and biological/medical sciences, though Freud himself tried to base his clinical formulations on a hypothetical neurophysiology of energy transformations. For example, the philosopher Paul Ricoeur argued that psychoanalysis can be considered a type of textual interpretation or hermeneutics. Like cultural critics and literary scholars, Ricoeur contended, psychoanalysts spend their time interpreting the nuances of language — the language of their patients. Ricoeur claimed that psychoanalysis emphasizes the polyvocal or many-voiced qualities of language, focusing on utterances that mean more than one thing. Ricoeur classified psychoanalysis as a hermeneutics of suspicion. By this he meant that psychoanalysis searches for deception in language, and thereby destabilizes our usual reliance on clear, obvious meanings. Supporting criticism regarding the validity of psychoanalytic therapeutic technique, numerous outcome studies have shown that its efficacy is related to the quality of the therapist, rather than the psychoanalytic school or technique or training[68], while a french 2004 report from INSERM says instead, that psychoanalysis therapy is far less effective than other psychotherapies (among which Cognitive behavioral therapy).

[edit] Theoretical criticism
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Some theoretical criticism of psychoanalysis is based on the argument that it is over simplistic and reductive, because it reduces everything to the idea that we are all driven by our sexuality and does not take into consideration other factors.[citation needed] For example: class, political ideology, ecosystem or even spirituality.[citation needed] People like the Freudo-Marxist Wilhelm Reich redress this, as does Carl Gustav Jung[citation needed] by factoring in economic and political factors (such as relationship to the means of production in the case of Reich), culture and ideas like the paranormal in the case of Jung respectively. However, there is no clean break between the theories of Freud and Jung. For example, Jung’s theories on alchemy as externalised individuation were rooted in Freud’s ideas on projection but factored in culture and spiritual teachings. Psychoanalysts have often complained about the significant lack of theoretical agreement among analysts of different schools. Many authors have attempted to integrate the various theories, with limited success. However, with the publication of the Psychodynamic Diagnostic Manual much of this lack of cohesion has been resolved.

Jacques Derrida incorporated aspects of psychoanalytic theory into deconstruction in order to question what he called the ‘metaphysics of presence’. Freud’s insistence, in the first chapter of The Ego and the Id, that philosophers will recoil from his theory of the unconscious is clearly a forbear to Derrida’s understanding of metaphysical ’self-presence’. Derrida also turns some of these ideas against Freud, to reveal tensions and contradictions in his work. These tensions are the conditions upon which Freud’s work can operate. For example, although Freud defines religion and metaphysics as displacements of the identification with the father in the resolution of the Oedipal complex, Derrida insists in The Postcard: From Socrates to Freud and Beyond that the prominence of the father in Freud’s own analysis is itself indebted to the prominence given to the father in Western metaphysics and theology since Plato. Thus Derrida thinks that even though Freud remains within a theologico-metaphysical traditio of ‘phallologocentrism’, Freud nonetheless criticizes that tradition.

The purpose of Derrida’s analysis is not to refute Freud, which would only reaffirm traditional metaphysics[why?], but to reveal an undecidability at the heart of his project. This deconstruction of Freud casts doubt upon the possibility of delimiting psychoanalysis as a rigorous science. Yet it celebrates the side of Freud which emphasises the open-ended and improvisatory nature of psychoanalysis, and its methodical and ethical demand that the testimony of the analysand should be given prominence in the practice of analysis. Psychoanalysis, or at least the dominant version of it, has been denounced as patriarchal or phallocentric by some proponents of feminist theory.[citation needed] Other feminist scholars have argued that Freud opened up society to female sexuality, with French feminism based on psychoanalysis.

Some post-colonialists argue that psychoanalysis imposes a white, European model of human development on those without European heritage, hence they will argue Freud’s theories are a form or instrument of intellectual imperialism.

Freud’s psychology based analysis of Michelangelo’s Moses has received attention from several critics. Some critics have an appreciation for Freud’s interpretation because of the popularity of his psychoanalytical theories. Some find that his psychological approach is a unique way to analyze a piece of art.

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