Désir et angoisse de castration

3 octobre 2010

Agoisse de castration

Comme fantasme, la castration se distingue en ce qu’elle organise la vie fantasmatique. Comme complexe, elle est liée au complexe d’Œdipe – Œdipe se crevant les yeux étant compris comme symbole de ce châtiment. Comme angoisse, elle caractérise la névrose par son opposition à l’angoisse de mort.

Garçons et filles
Le petit garçon interprète la castration comme menace : celle d’une autorité paternelle réprimant la sexualité. Ce complexe de castration survient donc au sortir de l’Œdipe, comme renoncement à l’objet maternel et comme marquant le début de la période de latence et de la formation du surmoi. Des auteurs postérieurs à Sigmund Freud ont cependant compris le surmoi comme instance bien plus précoce.

La petite fille interprète la castration comme ayant eu lieu, et se doit donc de la réparer. Ce moment, l’envie du pénis, marque alors l’entrée dans l’Œdipe.

Champs
Sigmund Freud comprend dans les années 1900 la théorie sexuelle infantile qu’est la castration.

Son articulation avec l’hystérie, la névrose obsessionnelle et la phobie se complètent d’une compréhension du fétichisme et de l’homosexualité.

Puis la castration sera articulée au complexe d’Œdipe, se dotant alors de la caractéristique d’universalité (« complexe de castration »).

Manque
Selon Jacques Lacan, la castration est le « manque symbolique d’un objet imaginaire ». L’objet imaginaire de la castration est le phallus imaginaire, le membre viril des fantasmes ; le manque en est pourtant symbolique, relatif au discours, au signifiant.

Par ailleurs, l’agent de la castration est le père réel, le père comme réalité extérieure à laquelle la mère fait référence au travers de sa parole.

Point de vue de la psychologie scientifique
La psychologie scientifique tend à être sceptique sur l’universalité du complexe de castration. Selon le psychologue Robert Sears « Il n’y a guère de données qui prouvent l’universalité du complexe de castration. Bien au contraire. Les enfants qui ont bénéficié d’une information sexuelle adéquate manifestent peu de craintes et de croyances curieuses en ce qui concerne le processus sexuel. »

La pute chez l’Obsessionnel

Dépression et Psychanalyse

3 octobre 2010

Pour les psychanalistes Sacha Nacht et Paul C. Racamier, la dépression est « un état pathologique de souffrance psychique consciente et de culpabilité, accompagnée d’une réduction sensible des valeurs personnelles et d’une diminution de l’activité psychomotrice et organique, non attribuable à une déficience réelle ». Il est par ailleurs indispensable de différencier une « dépression » d’un « sentiment dépressif » (ou dépressivité) ces dernières ne relevant pas du registre de la psychopathologie. Certains courants de la psychiatrie moderne confondent ces deux états et les traitent de la même manière – c’est-à-dire avec des antidépresseurs – ce qui recèle le risque de transformer l’une (le sentiment dépressif) en l’autre (dépression pathologique) avec les conséquences que l’on imagine notamment sur la durée de la souffrance ainsi induite.

La dépression, souffrance comparée au deuil, pose aussi la question de son statut en psychanalyse et notamment en psychopathologie psychanalytique : y a-t-il une unité clinique de la dépression ? La dépression ne constitue pas une entité comme la névrose, elle n’est pas structure nosographique, là où en psychiatrie, la dépression constituerait un trouble mental à part entière.

Figures de la dépression
Sur le modèle de la neurasthénie, la dépression est insuffisance nerveuse.

Il ne suffit pourtant pas de poser une telle image — la psychanalyse a vu la dépression s’éclairer sous différentes lumières.

Dépression actuelle
Karl Abraham isole la dépression en 1911. Il la distingue alors de la névrose d’angoisse. C’est que le névrosé, même dans l’actuel, souffre d’un désir qui fait face à l’interdit (voire qui découle de cette prohibition).

Le déprimé ne soutient plus un tel désir, son fantasme (car il y a encore fantasme) est troué. Néanmoins, la dépression s’entend comme effet économique de la frustration.

La dépression n’est donc pas une névrose d’angoisse, mais elle peut se rattacher à d’autres structures psychopathologiques. On peut trouver de la dépression dans différentes pathologies.

Dépression chez Sigmund Freud
Dès ses premiers textes, Freud repère une dépression, des affects dépressifs, tant caractérisés par le chagrin que l’abaissement de la conscience de soi, la perte de la capacité d’amour.

Dans Deuil et mélancolie, Freud compare le processus de travail psychique douloureux faisant suite à la perte d’un proche, à la mélancolie. Le schéma est celui du désinvestissement d’un objet pulsionnel qui soutenait le moi, auquel ce dernier s’était identifié. La personne se croyait un moi, et ce moi était inspiré de l’extérieur. Une fois cet extérieur perdu, c’est l’unité de la personne qui déchoit — déchéance face à la qualité de l’image moïque, et déchéance face aux fonctions du moi.

La mélancolie diffère du deuil en ce qu’il y a auto-reproche, culpabilité violente. La dépression reprend ce modèle : elle est une petite mélancolie. Le désir existe encore, le moi survit, mais il y a pensée douloureuse, désinvestissement de la relation ; les symptômes de la mélancolie y sont simplement réduits. Cette qualification de la dépression comme petite mélancolie reprend d’ailleurs le modèle psychiatrique.

Freud repère également la dépression chez Léonard de Vinci. La dépression survient dans l’enfance au sujet de la curiosité sexuelle, de l’origine : l’enfant se demande d’où il vient et effectue quelques investigations. Mais rapidement il se trouve en danger : s’il découvrait provenir de son père — son grand rival — il en découvrirait un élément bien pénible. Lorsqu’il pressent que cette réponse, qu’il attendait tant, serait si difficile, l’enfant ne peut que faire face à la dépression.

Devant le succès
Freud s’inspire d’une description de Friedrich Nietzsche : celle de Ceux qui échouent devant le succès (HTH Tome 2 en GF). Selon cette petite vignette presque clinique, certains échouent au moment où ils allaient enfin triompher. Ils ont tant attendu, et au moment où se présente l’occasion, ils deviennent fous, ne peuvent la saisir.

Pour Freud, il est clair que la frustration pouvait s’endurer, pouvait soutenir le désir et son sujet, tant qu’elle se présentait comme externe. La satisfaction était attendue, elle viendrait du dehors, plus tard. Dès lors que la frustration interne s’approche d’être révélée, elle en devient insoutenable. Le manque n’est plus susceptible d’être comblé — comment saurait-il demeurer manque de l’objet ?

Dépression et autres pathologies
Dépression hystérique
La dépression hystérique se comprend comme déception : l’ennui de vivre (le fond de la plainte hystérique) s’oppose à l’activité de soutenir le désir de l’Autre. Ici, l’Autre s’avère décevant. Là où se faire désir de l’Autre dessinait l’exaltation hystérique, il y a rebuffade.
Le deuil se repère là encore, comme métaphore de la dépression — ou plutôt la dépression y serait métaphorique d’un deuil, en ce qui est perdu, c’est l’estime portée à l’Autre.

Dépression obsessionnelle
Dans la névrose obsessionnelle, la dépression est expression de l’ambivalence. L’obsessionnel déprimé s’en veut de ses tendances sadiques ; il se les reproche car ces tendances coexistent avec un investissement amoureux de l’objet.

Dépression et addictions
Dans l’addiction, comme dans l’anorexie et la boulimie, se dégage un fond dépressif — œil du cyclone. L’état limite se fonde sur une dépression anéantissant la névrose au sens classique… Marque de la dépression comme transcendant les entités psychopathologiques, pouvant éclore tant par moments que durablement.

Position dépressive
La théorie d’une position dépressive décrit la dépression comme retour à ce moment de formation du Moi. Il s’agit donc d’une reviviscence, ou encore, selon Donald Winnicott, de la seule manière de penser à son moi.

Pour Melanie Klein, l’enfant quitte la folie du nourrisson lorsqu’il appréhende enfin sa mère comme objet total, comprenant que le bon et le mauvais cohabitent. Dès lors, le Moi peut se former, et naît d’une dépression : la douleur provenant du danger de haïr un objet qui est, désormais, tout autant le bon objet, la bonne mère. Cette angoisse d’endommager le bon objet réuni au mauvais, c’est l’angoisse dépressive.

Demande
La dépression réenvisage la demande comme prépondérante : le désir se voit disqualifié. Cette primauté de la demande signifie bien régression à une position infantile, ayant déjà eu lieu dans le passé : elle est réactivation d’une impuissance de l’enfance.

Jacques Lacan décrira une lâcheté morale, non pas synonyme de faiblesse, de peur, de couardise, mais bien d’une élasticité fabuleuse du moral. L’expression est faite pour choquer ; le déprimé ne peut plus bien dire, le parlêtre se révèle dans toute sa défaillance. Alors que le symptôme était bénéfice, alors que le sujet était bonheur,
Métapsychologie de la dépression
Économiquement, la dépression est affaiblissement, chute, freinage ; l’excitation est en défaut. Au plan dynamique, le déprimé est en deçà du symptôme (lequel demande un compromis, entre le désir et l’interdit). La dépression est le corollaire d’une haine non reconnue à l’égard de l’objet qui nous a abandonnés ou déçus, et dont nous dépendons comme objet d’amour. Au plan topique, le Moi est vide, la relation d’objet se perd.

Dépression et psychiatrie

3 octobre 2010

En psychiatrie le terme dépression (ou dépression nerveuse), du latin dépression, « enfoncement » est d’un usage relativement récent, c’est autour du XIXe siècle qu’il est apparu dans son usage psychologique .

Il a progressivement et – en partie – supplanté le terme ancien de mélancolie qui est devenu « lypémanie » (« folie triste ») avec Esquirol (1819) puis à nouveau « mélancolie », réhabilité à la fin du 19ème avec Emil Kraepelin pour désigner les syndromes qu’on appelle aujourd’hui « dépression majeure » (troubles bipolaires, cyclothymie, etc.). Notons que Kraepelin l’entendait surtout dans le sens de psychose maniaco-dépressive avec l’alternance des phases maniaques ou hypomaniaques et dépressives.

Autant donc préciser d’emblée que tous ces termes sont souvent utilisés pour désigner des entités aux contours qui ne sont pas clairement établis. Si l’on ajoute que les pays où ils ont été utilisés n’ont pas tous la même tradition psychiatrique, que ce soit pour les terminologies ou la nature des troubles décrits on comprend qu’une certaine confusion règne qui n’a pas été totalement abolie par les nouvelles classifications internationales CIM ou américaine DSM. Il n’est donc pas banal ni totalement absurde de dire que la – ou les – dépressions en psychiatrie sont aujourd’hui ce que soignent les antidépresseurs et ceci même si c’est loin d’être satisfaisant du point de vue épistémologique ! Roland Gori se demande comment on en est arrivé à la diffusion du diagnostic « déprimant » de dépression classé comme un des fléaux de santé du moment. Il interroge le fait qu’on en soit arrivé à un diagnostic qui selon lui est au moins autant en rapport avec les normes sociales qu’avec la réalité d’une entité réelle que serait la dépression: -un diagnostic « liquide » pour une civilisation « liquide » (…) Peut-être la notion molle de dépression n’est-elle que le cache misère de cette civilisation qui désavoue la valeur de la mélancolie ? se demande-t-il encore. Il poursuit en affirmant qu’au delà d’une pathologie, dans la mélancolie résident ‘les fondements de la subjectivité de l’individu.

Définitions
Le terme recouvre actuellement et au moins trois significations : il peut se rapporter à un symptôme, un syndrome ou une entité nosologique, dans le langage actuel une maladie qui se manifeste par une perte de l’élan vital (lassitude, dépréciation de soi, pessimisme, etc.) qui entraîne notamment avec soi et les autres, l’entourage en particulier. Selon Henri Ey dans une définition qui reste totalement pertinente : « il ‘agit d’un processus pathologique extrêmement complexe (…) De toute manière, soit comme conséquence soit comme simple association, on trouve ajoutés aux troubles de l’humeur deux autres phénomènes : « l’inhibition » et la « douleur morale » ». L’inhibition est « une sorte de freinage ou ralentissement des processus psychiques de l’idéation qui réduit le champ de la conscience et les intérêts, replie le sujet sur lui-même et le pousse à fuir les autres et les relations avec autrui. Subjectivement, le malade éprouve une lassitude morale, une difficulté de penser, d’évoquer (troubles de la mémoire), une fatigue psychique. (…) La douleur morale s’exprime sous forme d’auto-dépréciation qui peut devenir auto-accusation, auto-punition et un sentiment de culpabilité[6]. » Les mécanismes biologiques, neuropsychiques, psychologiques, sociologiques de la dépression sont constamment en interaction et il n’est pas possible aujourd’hui de réduire la dépression à l’un d’eux exclusivement même si des progrès importants ont été réalisés ces dernières années. Le plus notable de ces progrès est donc que médecins et patients disposent maintenant de médicaments efficaces (antidépresseurs) qui agissent sur les effets de certaines dépressions mais sans par ailleurs pouvoir en atteindre les causes. Ces médicaments entraînent souvent par ailleurs des effets secondaires non-négligeables (prise de poids, baisse de la libido) qui rendent le médecin attentif à la balance « coûts-bénéfices » dans l’indication et la durée du traitement prescrit. Il faut être attentif qu’en psychopathologie on utilise parfois encore la distinction entre dépression et mélancolie (cf. Kraepelin) qui, pour la dernière, en est la forme la plus grave et dangereuse en terme de risques suicidaires. Notons que les troubles dépressifs se doublent souvent de troubles physiques, douleurs d’origine indéterminées, anorexies, etc., etc.; on parlait d’ailleurs de dépression masquée pour toute une série de troubles physiques cachant une dépression. Les dépressions peuvent aussi se déclarer avec d’autres psychopathologies, psychoses, névrose traumatique, etc.

Comme entité nosologique au contour plus ou moins précisément établis les dépressions sont fréquentes et, d’après des études statistiques, atteignent presque 20 % de chaque humain au cours d’une vie. Le risque évolutif le plus grave de cette pathologie est le suicide, en particulier quand la dépression passe inaperçue et qu’elle n’est pas prise en charge. Ainsi et en France, on estime à près de 70 % des personnes décédant par suicide qui souffraient d’une dépression le plus souvent non diagnostiquée et traitée. Les dépressions peuvent se manifester chez le nourrisson, l’enfant et l’adolescent (rarement sous la même forme que chez l’adulte), chez l’adulte et chez les personnes âgées chez qui elle est fréquente.

Il ne faut pas confondre la dépression avec ce qu’on appelle communément « coup de blues » ou « déprime » qui traduit une tristesse passagère, normale dans une situation difficile.
Un état dépressif peut être le signe avant-coureur d’une affection mécanique du cerveau : sclérose en plaques, maladie de Parkinson, maladie d’Alzheimer, tumeur cérébrale ou maladie vasculaire. Il arrive parfois que la recherche des causes psychologiques de la dépression ralentisse le diagnostic d’une neuropathologie, il est donc important de signaler au médecin tout symptôme associé à l’état dépressif : problèmes de perception, problèmes de motricité, etc. La plupart des psychanalystes et autres psychothérapeutes ne sont pas qualifiés pour établir ce type de diagnostic.
Le terme dépression en psychanalyse est différent de celui de la psychiatrie phénoménologique descriptive, il décrit un processus psychique douloureux lié à une perte sans être nécessairement pathologique. On distingue une dépression, (« dépressivité » , Position dépressive) normale d’une dépression pathologique.
En philosophie, en littérature on utilise souvent le terme mélancolie comme équivalent de la dépression ou dépression existentielle .

La dépression existe de tout temps: Homère en parlait dans le chant VI de l’Iliade à propos de Bellérophon qui subit la colère des dieux: Objet de haine pour les dieux, Il errait seul dans la plaine d’Alcion, le cœur dévoré de chagrin, évitant les traces des hommes. C’est aussi Homère qui le premier vante la puissance guérissante du pharmakon un mélange d’herbes aux vertus soulageantes. Hippocrate dans les Aphorismes écrit: Quand la crainte et la tristesse persistent longtemps, c’est un état mélancolique. Voici donc qu’apparaît la « bile noire » et la théorie des humeurs dont il est l’initiateur et qui restera en vigueur jusqu’à l’avènement de la médecine moderne. Galien au XVIIIe siècle par exemple maintiendra cette théorie qui promeut par ailleurs une série de traitements qui vont des traitements médicaux et pharmaceutiques, aux cures « philosophiques » (moraux), religieuses ou même musicales, etc. C’est avec Pinel et Esquirol principalement que le rôle présupposé du cerveau est mis en cause ainsi que des causes dites « morales » (aujourd’hui on dirait psychologiques). Un mal essentiellement psychique appelle ainsi des remèdes psychologiques, Esquirol (1772-1840) écrivait ainsi: La médecine morale (aujourd’hui on dirait psychothérapie), qui cherche dans le cœur les premières causes du mal, qui plaint, qui pleure, qui console, qui partage les souffrances et qui réveille l’espérance, est souvent préférable à toute autre. Les idées n’évoluent guère jusqu’en 1900 mais les cures proposées rivalisent d’imagination . Tout était bon pour distraire le déprimé de ses humeurs sombres !

Les psychanalystes, Sigmund Freud , Karl Abraham et Mélanie Klein ont permis l’émergence d’une vision processuelle de la dépression mais c’est les succès de la pharmacologie qui ont donné à la dépression sa dimension actuelle.

A défaut de savoir suffisamment comment l’expliquer on pensait maintenant pouvoir au moins la guérir. C’est le psychiatre suisse Roland Kuhn, proche des milieux psychanalytiques qui en 1956, découvre les effets antidépresseurs de l’imipramine. Le laboratoire pharmaceutique Geigy refuse d’abord d’en financer le développement, jugeant alors le marché de la dépression trop étroit mais les avis ont évolué sur ce sujet. Ces premiers antidépresseurs ont principalement été prescrits à l’hôpital par des psychiatres par crainte des effets secondaires. À partir de la fin des années 1980, de nouveaux antidépresseurs arrivent sur le marché avec moins de ces effets indésirables. Ils sont dès lors prescrits par tous les médecins et pas seulement les psychiatres et parfois en deçà des indications habituelles. On a pu croire que le moindre état de tristesse pouvait justifier une prescription en minimisant cependant des effets secondaires non négligeables comme la prise de poids et la baisse de libid. La question de la dépression – à vrai dire on devrait plutôt en parler au pluriel – est en grande partie devenue une affaire de marché des pharmas. Le psychiatre allemand Hubertus Tellenbach a théorisé les différents aspects du problème des dépressions de manière complète et aboutie du point de vue psychopathologique . Son ouvrage reste une référence au plan international. L’une de ses affirmations était qu’il n’était pas question de voir dans la mélancolie dans une soumission aux stricts modèles physico-chimiques. Pour lui les disciplines comme la philosophie (Heidegger notamment), la psychologie, les apports des psychanalystes comme Sigmund Freud et Karl Abraham , la psychiatrie à travers les apports de Kraepelin et Kretschmer sont complémentaires et indispensables pour comprendre en profondeur le phénomène. La pharmacologie ne résout pas tout, pas plus du temps des premiers antidépresseurs qu’à l’heure actuelle !

Étiologies des dépressions
De plus en plus et comme pour nombre de troubles psychiques, les dépressions sont appréhendées comme résultant de l’interaction d’un ensemble de facteurs psychologiques, biologiques, sociaux et génétiques. Classiquement on formule ceci ainsi qui peut se représenter sous forme d’une étoile : la dépression est le résultat d’un facteur actuel de crise qui se présente comme « l’élément déclenchant » qui – c’est une tendance actuelle – retient trop souvent toute l’attention du clinicien qui se rive ainsi à la synchronie en négligeant la diachronie, notamment l’histoire de vie du sujet et l’interaction de :

Facteurs psychologiques individuels relevant de la contingence biographique du sujet (petite enfance, enfance avec la latence, adolescence, etc.) et son vécu actuel,
De facteurs dus aux prédispositions constitutionnelles,
De ceux relevant de l’environnement familial, professionnel, socioculturel.
Hypothèses sur les facteurs biologiques
À chaque état psychologique correspondrait un état physiologique. Nous sommes habitués à considérer cet aspect en ce qui concerne le stress, par exemple, que nous relions à l’adrénaline. Cela fait partie du langage populaire. Des études ont montré la présence de différentes dysfonctions neurobiologiques chez les gens déprimés. Entre autres, les niveaux de sérotonine et la noradrénaline (des neurotransmetteurs) sont impliqués dans la dépression.

Un certain nombre d’anomalies biologiques ont ainsi été retrouvées dans le sang ou le cerveau des dépressifs. Il n’est cependant pas toujours clair si ces anomalies sont causes ou conséquences de la maladie, ce qui peut expliquer certains échecs des traitements médicamenteux. Elles ouvrent toutefois la voie à de nouvelles thérapeutiques pharmacologiques.

Les recherches sur les causes de la dépression ont mené les chercheurs à se pencher sur la chimie du cerveau. Au début des années cinquante, certains neurotransmetteurs de la classe des monoamines attirèrent l’attention. Ces neurotransmetteurs, tous dérivés d’un acide aminé, comprenaient la dopamine, la noradrénaline et la sérotonine. On sait maintenant qu’un mauvais fonctionnement du circuit de noradrénaline ou de sérotonine contribue à la dépression chez certains individus, mais les neurotransmetteurs commencent à peine à livrer leurs mystères et même aujourd’hui, on ne connaît pas encore toutes leurs implications sur le comportement humain. L’une des hypothèses est que la recapture présynaptique des monoamines est trop forte, ce qui crée un manque de ces neurotransmetteurs. Il a aussi été démontré que les neurotransmetteurs sont détruits pendant leur traversée par des enzymes, les monoamines oxydases. La noradrénaline est détruite en une substance qui se dose dans les urines le méthoxyhydroxyphénylglycol ou MHPG or on a vu chez de nombreux déprimés une excrétion urinaire de MHPG (venant de la noradrénaline) diminuée. L’action de cette enzyme serait donc trop forte. L’hyperactivité de cette enzyme a été démontrée chez certains dépressifs grâce à une étude scintigraphique cérébrale. Cela expliquerait l’efficacité de certains traitements anciennement prescrits, de type inhibiteur des monoamine oxydases, appelés communément IMAO.

Une autre hypothèse serait la présence d’une anomalie des récepteurs cérébraux. Cette théorie évoque une anomalie du nombre des récepteurs post-synaptiques. Elle concerne encore les monoamines neuromédiatrices mais selon un modèle différent. Le nombre des récepteurs où viennent se fixer les neurotransmetteurs après leur traversée de la synapse n’est pas fixé mais il se modifie en fonction de leur quantité afin de maintenir une transmission d’influx assez constante :

S’il y a beaucoup de neurotransmetteurs, le nombre des récepteurs va tendre à diminuer. Le message nerveux passera mal .
Si, à l’inverse, il y a peu de transmetteurs le nombre s’accroît pour recevoir au mieux les neurotransmetteurs afin de préserver le plus possible la transmission. S’il s’accroît trop les récepteurs ne sont plus assez stimulés.
Par ailleurs, la sensibilité de ces récepteurs peut être modulée par divers mécanismes.

Le rôle du cortisol, hormone dont la production est augmentée en cas de stress, semble également crucial. Son taux est significativement augmenté en cas de dépression, secondairement à l’augmentation de la CRH. Par contre, les médicaments ciblant l’inhibition de sa production se sont révélés d’une efficacité décevante.

Il est retrouvé parfois un déficit intracérébral de BDNF (« Brain-derived neurotrophic factor »), un facteur permettant la croissance des neurones et la plasticité des synapses (jonctions entre les neurones). Cette baisse est cependant peu spécifique, car retrouvée dans plusieurs affections psychiatriques.

D’autres marqueurs sont en cours d’étude. Parmi ces derniers on peut citer l’homocystéine] et les oméga-3.

Hypothèses sur les facteurs psychologiques
L’aspect biologique n’est pas nécessairement « la cause » de la dépression. Comme le pensent la plupart des spécialistes, c’est l’un et l’autre des facteurs et leur interaction qui sont en cause. Les différents modèles psychologiques expliquent chacun à leur manière, parfois de manière contradictoire parfois complémentaire les processus psychiques e/ou comportementaux des dépressions (cf. behaviorisme, psychanalyse, etc.).

Pour les spécialistes issus du behaviorisme, on explique que lorsqu’une personne est dépressive, elle a tendance à voir la réalité de façon plus négative. En retour, cette interprétation plus négative amplifie les émotions dépressives. D’autre part, les interprétations négatives de la réalité et les émotions dépressives influencent les comportements (amenant par exemple de la passivité) qui, en retour, ont un impact sur les pensées et les émotions. Pour les psychanalystes, il existe aussi des facteurs intrapsychiques souvent inconscients qui relèvent par exemples des processus de deuils, d’une angoisse de perte d’objet ou autres conflits. Freud dans Deuil et mélancolie, Karl Abraham, et Mélanie Klein, etc., ont ouvert le champ d’une compréhension profonde de la dépression.

En dehors de ces points de vue qui sont importants pour les traitements, toutes sortes d’échelles ont été établies sur les typologies (cf. Ernst Kretschmer) et les facteurs de prédisposition’ aux dépressions (cf. par exemple les Profils de dépression de Fr. Lelord et Ch. André). Il en existe encore plusieurs comme celles qui mettent en avant les « taux » de stress par événements (deuil, accident, déménagement, etc., etc.) qui sont classés par l’incidence qu’ils sont censés avoir pour l’apparition d’une dépression. Toutes ces échelles mettent en cause des événements externes au sujet et tentent ainsi d’expliquer les dépressions dites réactionnelles.

Hypothèses sur les facteurs génétiques
Il est reconnu que pour certaines dépressions des facteurs héréditaires jouent un rôle dans la création du déséquilibre chimique dans le cerveau d’une personne lorsqu’elle vit une dépression. Même si certains gènes sont impliqués dans la dépression, il ne semble pas qu’ils déclenchent inévitablement la maladie. Ils se contenteraient de transmettre une susceptibilité à entrer plus facilement dans un état dépressif. Susceptibilité qu’un évènement extérieur où une personnalité particulière pourrait transformer en véritable dépression. La part génétique de la dépression est de l’ordre du tier(ce qui est moins que pour une schizophrénie ou un syndrome bipolaire). Cette héritabilité serait plus importante dans les formes graves ou survenant précocement. Il est également important de réaliser que peu importe le ou les facteurs ayant précipité une personne dans un état dépressif, la voie finale commune de la dépression, si l’on peut dire, implique un déséquilibre de certains neurotransmetteurs dans le cerveau.

Plusieurs gènes sont à l’étude. Parmi ces derniers, la présence d’un polymorphisme du gène d’un transporteur de la sérotonine (5-HTTT) serait associé significativement à la survenue d’une dépression réactionnelle aux stress de la vie quotidienne.

Hypothèses sur les facteurs sociaux
Des séparations précoces dans l’enfance ou la petite enfance rendent souvent davantage sujet à des dépressions à l’âge adulte (cf. les études de René Spitz).

Un environnement pénible (rythme de vie effréné, soucis professionnels et/ou familiaux, chômage, divorce, deuil, isolement, déracinement, déménagement) pourrait rendre plus sujet à l’apparition et/ou au maintien d’une dépression. L’importance et la qualité du soutien que nous recevons par nos relations interpersonnelles (proches parents, conjoints, enfants, amis…) peut nous protéger contre le stress et les tensions de la vie quotidienne, et réduire les réactions physiques et émotionnelles au stress, l’une d’entre elles pouvant être la dépression. D’autre part l’absence d’une relation étroite, de confiance, peut augmenter le risque de dépression.

Diagnostic
Le diagnostic de la dépression est devenu une question épistémologique importante. En effet, au vu de l’évolution des idées en psychiatrie, la pratique clinique tend à perdre du terrain face à des systèmes de questionnaires auto- ou hétéro-administrés (par ex.: l’échelle de dépression de Hamilton, celle de Beck, celle de Yesavage, ou encore de HAD…) qui présentent l’avantage de donner des réponses quantifiables et l’inconvénient de trop souvent se substituer à l’évaluation clinique, seule à même de mettre à jour les éléments subjectifs propres à chaque patient, notamment les idées suicidaires. Il suffit de préciser que les formulaires de ces échelles sont souvent distribués gratuitement aux médecins toutes spécialités confondues par les entreprises pharmaceutiques pour mesurer quel en est l’enjeu économique. L’examen psychologique est une technique diagnostique pratiquée par des psychologues cliniciens et qui vise à préciser la nature de la/ ou les dépression/s dans leur fondement structurel afin de par exemple délimiter ce qui relèverait d’une mélancolie (psychotique) d’une dépression (névrotique ou cas-limite) Il n’existe par ailleurs et pour le moment aucun marqueur biologique de la dépression. Les classifications DSM et CIM ont d’abord été pensées pour la recherche et ne visaient pas à se substituer au savoir clinique et à la réflexion psychopathologique des praticiens (psychiatres et psychologues cliniciens). La diffusion de ces systèmes de classification, l’impact qu’ont eu les entreprises pharmaceutiques dans leur élaboration, posent des questions d’intérêts où le souci scientifique n’est pas le seul en cause. Notons que les milieux spécialisés tendent de plus en plus à se réapproprier leur démarche en psychopathologie afin d’éviter ces biais commerciaux qui ont desservi leurs patients
L’humeur (ou thymie) dépressive
On observe au cours de la dépression un ensemble de symptômes organisés autour d’une perturbation de l’humeur dite humeur dépressive (ou thymie dépressive). Par le terme humeur, on désigne la disposition affective de base donnant un éprouvé agréable ou désagréable oscillant entre les deux pôles extrêmes du plaisir et de la douleur. L’humeur peut être normale (on parle alors d’euthymie), expansive ou hyperthymique comme dans le syndrome maniaque, ou encore triste voire mélancolique comme dans le syndrome dépressif.

L’humeur dépressive est un éprouvé négatif (distorsions cognitives) de la relation du sujet au monde et à lui-même : sentiment que sa vie est un échec, la situation sans espoir, l’avenir impossible, perte du plaisir (anhédonie) et d’intérêt. Au cours du syndrome mélancolique, cette sensation pénible est poussée à son paroxysme, et l’on parle alors de douleur morale.

La variété des symptômes associés à cette perturbation de l’humeur, des profils évolutifs, des contextes d’apparition a conduit à proposer des classifications des troubles dépressifs, lesquelles ont varié au cours du temps. Il est utile également de différencier les dépressions des différents âges de la vie, qui conduisent à des tableaux bien différents.

La dépression chez l’adulte
Du point de vue de la psychiatrie, la dépression est un trouble de l’humeur pouvant résulter de l’interaction d’un ensemble de facteurs :

Biologiques (déséquilibre dans la chimie des neurotransmetteurs du cerveau),
Psychologiques (intrapsychiques)
Sociaux (ex : divorce, chômage, etc.)
Dans cette perspective, il s’agit d’un trouble psychiatrique, comportant souvent des risques, pouvant parfois mener au suicide. Du point de vue épidémiologique, les chercheurs estiment que cette maladie est sous-diagnostiquée, sous-estimée et sous-traitée. Elle se manifeste la plupart du temps par une conjonction et/ou une addition de symptômes comme :

Troubles du sommeil ;
Manque d’énergie, de motivation ;
L’humeur triste ;
Irritabilité ;
Mal de vivre
Chez l’enfant et l’adolescent, les dépressions se manifestent de manière moins typique avec des symptômes variables qui cachent la tristesse ou le désespoir.

Les entités selon les différentes classifications
Il est à noter que le recensement des différents aspects de la dépression énoncé ci-dessous est purement descriptif et qu’il ne tient nullement lieu d’explication psychologique.

L’épisode dépressif majeur (CIM DSM)
Ce terme, proposé par le DSM, signifie en fait « dépression caractérisée ». Bien qu’ils ne fassent pas l’unanimité, les critères américains du DSM-IV (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders – Fourth Edition) du trouble dépressif majeur sont : Une personne doit présenter au moins 5 des 9 symptômes suivants pour une durée d’au moins deux semaines, la plupart du temps, entrainant un changement dans le mode de fonctionnement habituel. Au moins l’un de ces deux critères doit être présent : Humeur triste, Anhédonie.

Humeur triste (dépressive) : décrite comme plus intense que la douleur d’un deuil. Le malade est sans joie et opprimé, parfois il est incapable de percevoir tout sentiment. En général l’humeur est au pire le matin. Chez les enfants et adolescents, cela peut se manifester par une irritabilité accrue.
Anhédonie : diminution du plaisir ou de l’intérêt pour toutes activités, y compris celles qui procurent du plaisir habituellement. Les habitudes se modifient, les passe-temps sont délaissés, tout semble monotone et vide, y compris les activités habituellement gratifiantes.
Modification involontaire du poids : prise ou perte de 5 % ou plus du poids habituel en un mois. Éventuellement, modification récente de l’appétit
Troubles du sommeil : diminution (insomnie) ou augmentation (hypersomnie) du temps de sommeil
Troubles de la concentration ou du processus de prise de décision
Troubles du comportement : agitation ou ralentissement (bradypsychie) rapportée par l’entourage.
Asthénie : sensation de fatigue ou de diminution d’énergie
Sentiments de culpabilité hypertrophiés, souvent injustifiés et liés à l’auto-dépréciation du patient.
Idées noires : volonté de mourir, idées suicidaires actives, avec ou sans plan spécifique, finalement tentative de suicide.

Dépression endogène et Dépression névrotico-réactionnelle

Las de la vie. Peinture de Ferdinand Hodler (1892).Cette classification a en quelques sortes des fondements historiques, mais la distinction n’est plus guère utilisée de nos jours. [...] La dépression endogène est caractérisée par une douleur morale latente contrastant avec une indifférence affective (appelée également anesthésie affective) pour l’extérieur, un pessimisme foncier, une inhibition marquée, des thèmes d’autodévaluation et d’autoaccusation des idées délirantes de ruine, de catastrophe, d’incurabilité, une insomnie par réveil précoce, une anorexie avec amaigrissement, un dégoût de la vie inaccessible à toute argumentation. La fluctuation des symptômes dans la journée est particulière dans les dépressions endogènes : très marquée au réveil (le matin), ils tendent à s’estomper en fin de journée. Dans l’ensemble, le déprimé mélancolique méconnait l’aspect pathologique de son état et refuse tout recours médical, jugé inutile. Forme unipolaire et bipolaire de dépression : la dépression endogène est souvent l’expression d’un trouble bipolaire (anciennement dénommé « psychose maniaco-dépressive »). Celle-ci, initialement bien délimitée, tend à être divisée en catégories à cause des aspects évolutifs, des antécédents familiaux et des réponses thérapeutiques inégales au même traitement. La forme bipolaire est constituée d’accès dépressifs et d’épisodes d’excitation euphorique, séparés par un intervalle libre. La forme unipolaire est quant à elle définie par la survenue répétitive d’un seul type d’accès en règle générale dépressif.

Il existe également les dépressions secondaires, dues à des médicaments, une affection organique, une affection psychiatrique, ou encore les dépressions alexithymiques ou d’involution.

La mélancolie
Article détaillé : Mélancolie. Le terme mélancolie était utilisé en psychiatrie pour caractériser un état dépressif grave et aigu présentant de grands risques de passage à l’acte suicidaire. Il a aujourd’hui été délaissé et on utilise plus couramment l’expression dépression majeure. On parlait aussi de mélancolie stuporeuse pour décrire des états caractérisés par un ralentissement psychomoteur intense qui peut aller jusqu’à immobilité totale, un état prostré et incapable de boire ou de s’alimenter.

Considérée comme la forme la plus grave d’état dépressif majeur, la mélancolie se manifeste par :

L’intensité de la douleur morale ;
L’importance du ralentissement psychomoteur ;
Une aboulie complète ;
Des contenus de pensée particulièrement négatifs et désespérés ;
Un sentiment de culpabilité omniprésent ;
Un sentiment d’incurabilité ;
Des idées « noires » (idées d’être puni de mort, ruminations suicidaires…) ;
Une anorexie grave. (Parfois, il peut s’agir d’une boulimie, en tous les cas, troubles de l’appétit.) ;
Des réveils matinaux précoces dans un état d’angoisse douloureux.
Dépressions psychotiques
Elles se caractérisent par des délires de culpabilité, de honte universelle, de punition, de damnation, d’appauvrissement mental, de négation d’organes…

Dépressions hostiles, agressives
La personnalité du sujet semble avoir changé radicalement. Il est devenu plus agressif, plus impulsif, ses colères sont mal maitrisées, il a des violences soudaines inhabituelles… Cela viendrait du fait que le sujet ne supporte plus l’idée d’être l’objet de remarques blessantes (existantes ou supposées) à son égard : « Secoue-toi », « Tu as tout pour être heureux », etc.

La Dépression masquée
Les dépressions masquées ou hypocondriaques se caractérisent par une absence de symptômes de l’humeur dépressive avec une prépondérance des plaintes somatiques. Elles prennent souvent l’aspect d’une douleur atypique, continue, fixée, qui reste malgré la prescription d’antidouleurs. Le sujet est souvent inconscient qu’il souffre moralement, c’est la raison pour laquelle il « somatise » .

Dépressions anxieuses, agitées
Ces sujets courent un risque suicidaire élevé. Contrairement aux caractéristiques courantes de la dépression, l’agitation psychique et motrice sont majeures, ils sont enclins à des crises de panique.

Dépressions saisonnières
La dépression saisonnière s’installe à l’automne ou au début de l’hiver et dure jusqu’au printemps. Ses symptômes sont ceux de tout épisode dépressif : tristesse permanente, perte d’intérêt générale, irritabilité, troubles de sommeil, perte ou gain de poids, pensées suicidaires.
Les symptômes de la dépression saisonnière se distinguent de ceux des blues de l’hiver, lesquels ne nous empêchent pas de continuer à assumer nos activités quotidiennes. Ceux qui souffrent de dépression saisonnière sont très affectés dans leur quotidien (travail, relations…).
La cause exacte n’en est pas connue, mais la diminution de l’intensité de la lumière naturelle et de sa durée semble jouer un rôle important.

Cas particuliers
Dépression du bébé
Des tableaux de dépression graves, pouvant mettre en jeu le pronostic vital, ont été décrits depuis les années 1950 chez les bébés, notamment après de brutales pertes parentales. René Spitz a ainsi défini l’hospitalisme, état survenant lors d’une séparation brutale avec les parents, passant par une phase de pleurnichements, puis une phase de protestation, glapissement, perte rapide de poids, arrêt du développement ; puis une troisième phase de désinvestissement du monde qui l’entoure et de retrait conduisant à ce que Spitz a nommé la dépression anaclitique. Ce tableau clinique peut régresser si des mesures adéquates sont prises rapidement. S’il se prolonge, il peut être à l’origine de troubles intellectuels, des apprentissages, de difficultés psychologiques, avec une plus grande vulnérabilité aux séparations, réalisant des tableaux carentiels dont le risque évolutif est lourd.

Ce type de diagnostic doit être posé avec précaution. En particulier le diagnostic différentiel avec les troubles apparentés à l’autisme doit être évoqué . Il arrive encore aujourd’hui, qu’un mauvais clinicien confonde la dépression du bébé et l’autisme.

Dépression de l’enfant
Lorsqu’on évoque la dépression chez l’enfant on est frappé par le contraste entre sa fréquente référence au niveau théorique – notamment psychanalytique – et sa la rareté des présentations des tableaux cliniques qui ne soit pas adultomorphe. C’est la psychanalyste Mélanie Klein qui une des premières parlera de la dépression de l’enfant dans sa théorie de la position dépressive devant intervenir au sevrage, autour du sixième mois. La théorie de Mélanie Klein doit être bien connue pour être opérationnelle en pédopsychiatrie, de même que plus tard chez l’adolescent et l’adulte, les signes dépressifs peuvent être la résultante d’une défense contre la position dépressive, elles ne sont donc pas assimilables. Des auteurs nombreux, le pédiatre Donald Winnicott (qui parlait lui d’inquiétude ou de « compassion », 1954) a critiqué la précocité de cette « position » ainsi que Margaret Mahler qui la situait entre le seizième et le vingt-quatrième mois. C’est ensuite Bowlby avec ses travaux sur l’attachement qui en a étudié les effets comme conséquence des séparations (qu’il ne faut cependant pas confondre avec « dépression ») qui rejoignent en partie les observations de René Spitz citées plus haut. Lorsqu’elle se manifeste de manière qui peut s’apparenter à celle de l’adulte, la dépression de l’enfant se traduit par des pleurs, de la tristesse, de l’ennui, de l’indifférence et de la fatigue. La dévalorisation de soi s’exprime par des constats répétés: « j’peux pas », « j’y arrive pas » qui se manifestent aussi dans les jeux et au plan scolaire. L’enfant se sent mal aimé et incompris. Les symptômes physiques sont fréquents, insomnies, anorexie (atypique) maux de ventre et maux de tête. Le clinicien, dans son investigation par l’entretien clinique, le dialogue avec l’entourage : parents, enseignants et éventuellement fratrie doit détecter à partir de manifestations indirectes les signes d’un éventuelle dépression. On peut avoir recours à l’examen psychologique avec tests projectifs Rorschach, CAT ou autres. Les questionnaires randomisés ne sont pas souvent pas indiqués parce qu’ils marquent une importance exagérée au verbal dans son sens primaire ce qui n’est pas adapté aux enfants.

Par ailleurs et contrairement à l’adulte, l’enfant déprimé ne se plaint pas de tristesse ni de désespoir, et sa symptomatologie est peu bruyante. Une conférence de consensus française de 1995 a permis d’en clarifier la symptomatologie et les principes d’interventions thérapeutiques.

Les traitements de premier recours sont la psychothérapie, notamment psychanalytique ou familiale. L’un et l’autre sont souvent utilisés de manière conjointe, que ça soit dans l’approche systémique ou psychanalytique. Le rôle du pédiatre est là déterminant, c’est lui qui le premier pourra entendre la souffrance de son jeune patient et qui pourra orienter les parents chez le spécialiste à temps. Le traitement médicamenteux doit être indiqué par le spécialiste et utilisé le plus possible de manière transitoire en attendant que l’enfant s’investisse dans sa psychothérapie et s’il y parvient . Pour les petits enfants, jusqu’à six ans, la psychothérapie « parent-enfant » ou le plus souvent « mère-enfant est d’une grande aide. Un recours à un centre spécialisé (centre de jour) ou toute autre intervention sur l’environnement peuvent se montrer parfois très efficace.

Ce type de diagnostic doit être posé avec précaution. En particulier le diagnostic différentiel avec les troubles apparentés à l’autisme doit être évoqué. Il n’est pas rare encore aujourd’hui, qu’un diagnostic de dépression du bébé ou de l’enfant soit posé par erreur, pour un enfant atteint d’autisme ou d’un autre trouble envahissant du développement. Dans ce cas, la prise en charge doit être complètement différente, tant sur le plan thérapeutique qu’éducatif, l’autisme n’étant pas une forme de dépression.

Dépression de l’adolescent
La dépression à l’adolescence se manifeste, à l’instar de celle de l’enfant, très différemment de celle des l’adultes . La puberté a apporté son lot de changement physique que l’adolescence intégrera ou pas, ou plus ou moins sur le plan psychologique. Il faut toujours être attentif aux risques de passages à l’acte suicidaire. Plus que jamais, le clinicien doit éviter de se fier aux apparences, une attitude arrogante peut par exemple cacher un profond mépris de soi et de ses capacités, notamment au niveau scolaire. Des conduites addictives de toutes sortes, des troubles des conduites alimentaires, des fugues, de la violence verbale et/ou physique, etc. peuvent être des tentatives défensives pour lutter contre la dépression ou la mélancolie.

Au niveau comportemental on énumère ainsi les troubles, conformément aux classifications DSM et CIM : un trouble de l’humeur avec sentiment d’ennui, irritabilité (concernant tout l’entourage), voire hostilité et opposition, impulsivité, agressivité. On parle parfois de dépression hostile. Le dialogue devient vite impossible, remplacé par les pleurs. On observe également une tendance à l’inhibition, une anhédonie, avec désinvestissement des loisirs et des relations qui étaient investis jusque-là; des troubles somatiques : céphalées, insomnie, hypersomnie ou clinophilie, anorexie ou au contraire augmentation de l’appétit, parfois avec des crises de boulimie ; des troubles anxieux fréquemment associés : phobie sociale, attaque de panique, trouble obsessionnel compulsif, des troubles intellectuels : incapacité à penser (l’individu voit les choses mais ne ressent aucun élément positif ou négatif, n’a aucun avis…).

Une thérapie familiale et systémique ou psychanalytique est parfois indiquée, elle permet notamment à l’adolescent de ne pas se sentir « seul en cause ».

Il est parfois difficile de faire la différence entre une dépression et un simple moment évolutif de l’adolescence, et le recours à des spécialistes est préconisé. C’est d’autant plus difficile que l’adolescent tend à banaliser sa situation, soit par honte soit par sentiment de désespoir (personne ne le comprendra), soit parce qu’il ne perçoit pas ou mal son sentiment et son vécu intérieurs. C’est la clinique menée par le psychopathologue qui permet de différencier une dépression de l’autre et de mesurer sa gravité. Les tenants des TCC préfèrent utiliser des tests randomisés comme le Beck où l’on recherche alors ce qui est désigné comme une triade. Au questions suivantes, le sujet répond généralement ainsi : * « Que veux-tu faire ? » , « Rien, je ne suis bon à rien ! »; « Tu regardes un peu les informations à la télévision ? », « Non c’est nul ! »; « Tu sais ce que tu veux faire plus tard ? », « Non… ! »; « Qu’en penses-tu ? » , « Rien, je ne sais pas ». Ces trois réponses souligneraient que pour cet adolescent, tout est nul, sans valeur : lui, le monde, et surtout l’avenir.

Seul un dialogue attentif et mené avec tact par le clinicien peut permettre à l’adolescent de comprendre ce qui lui arrive et de le surmonter. Ceci peut se faire dans le cadre du cabinet de son médecin (mais il ne faut pas oublier que cet âge est difficile pour le pédiatre qui a de la peine à ne pas voir en l’adolescent qu’il a en face de lui, l’enfant qu’il connaissait mais qui a changé.) C’est donc aussi une période où il peut-être utile pour l’adolescent de changer de médecin, ceci en dehors du fait qu’une démarche psychothérapeutique soit entreprise ou non. Dans la mesure où adolescent peut y adhérer suffisamment on peut aussi indiquer une psychothérapie, psychanalytique ou pas. Parfois, dans des cas graves, une hospitalisation psychiatrique peut être nécessaire et salutaire. Malheureusement, les services adaptés aux adolescents deviennent de plus en plus rares à cause des restrictions de tous ordres ce qui prive trop souvent l’adolescent d’un traitement adéquat. Il ne faut pas non plus oublier qu’une crise d’adolescence sous tendue par une dépression peut aussi inaugurer des changements positifs et une réorganisation psychique plus intégrée. La clinique de l’adolescent oscille toujours entre le risque de dramatiser et celui de banaliser, c’est sa difficulté et sont intérêt.

Dépression de la personne âgée
Elle est fréquente, sous plusieurs formes ;

Les dépressions pseudo-démentielles, formes bien particulières, se caractérisent par des troubles graves :

De la mémoire ;
De l’orientation ;
De la vigilance ;
Du jugement ;
De régression affective ;
Des performances intellectuelles. On les rencontre généralement chez les sujets âgés, rarement chez des sujets jeunes.
De la culpabilité
Dépression et maladie d’Alzheimer
La prévalence de la dépression est très élevée (20 à 25% des cas) chez les patients Alzheimer .

Une étude récente (2008)] montre que pour la maladie d’Alzheimer, l’exposition à la lumière naturelle diminue les symptômes de dépression (de -19% dans l’étude), et que par ailleurs la prise de mélatonine facilite l’endormissement (8 min plus tôt) et allonge le sommeil de 27 mn en moyenne). L’association Lumière + mélatonine a aussi diminué les comportements agressifs (- 9%), les phases d’agitation et de réveils nocturnes.

La dépression périnatale
Article détaillé : Dépressions périnatales. La dépression pré et postnatale sont fréquentes et encore sous-diagnostiquées. La première passe souvent inaperçue, la mère a honte de son état et le cache souvent à son entourage – obstétricien inclus – qui a tendance à mettre les éventuels signes dépressifs sous le sceau de la fatigue de grossesse. L’autre est à différencier du simple baby blues qui survient le plus souvent après un intervalle libre de à 2 mois et réalise un tableau de dépression typique ou masquée ; c’est la plus fréquente des complications du post-partum, dans environ 15 % des accouchements].

Épidémiologie de la dépression
En France, la dépression frappe chaque année 3 millions de personnes âgés de 15 à 75 ans (deux fois plus de femmes que d’hommes). Sachant qu’un cas sur deux n’est pas soigné, ce chiffre progresse avec la précarité, le vieillissement et la solitude. Selon certaines études il y aurait :

15 à 22 % des patients de médecine générale montreraient des troubles dépressifs (5 à 9 % ont une dépression majeure, 2 à 4 % une dysthymie, 8 à 9 % une dépression mineure) ;
30 à 50 % des dépressions ne seraient pas diagnostiquées ;
40 à 70 % des personnes qui se suicident auraient consulté un médecin dans le mois qui précède.
Cette très grande fréquence des symptômes, indique la difficulté à classifier dans un épisode existentiel de remise en cause, de souffrance, de perte, ou bien dans une maladie organique ; La question du normal et du pathologique a été travaillée par Georges Canguilhem.

Selon des études, en termes d’incapacité de travail chez l’adulte, la dépression occupe la quatrième place (en nombre d’années d’incapacité) au niveau mondial et pourrait se placer à la seconde place dans les années 2020, juste après les maladies cardio-vasculaires.

Traitements
On ne traite pas les dépressions de la même manière chez le nourrisson, l’enfant, l’adolescent, l’adulte ou la personne âgée ! Pour les adultes, le chapitre des traitements est extrêmement délicat à aborder : tout est dit, essayé et « vendu » à propos des traitements des dépressions : de la marche à pied, aux exercices de pensée positive, à la psychanalyse en passant par les tocs, la luminothérapie, les voyages, etc., etc., jusqu’aux électrochocs voire la psychochirurgie. Le fait que sous « dépression » soient entendus toute une série de troubles ne simplifie pas les choses ainsi que l’aspect commercial (antidépresseurs) qui y est relatif. On doit aussi aborder avec prudence les recherches statistiques qui ont parfois – et trop souvent – plus démontré le parti pris de ceux qui les effectuaient que des résultats fiables et probants sur le long terme. Il est préférable de s’adresser d’abord à des spécialistes (psychiatres, psychologues-cliniciens) avant de s’engager à la légère. En gros, on admet généralement que la psychothérapie et les antidépresseurs agissent au mieux, souvent conjointement, rarement les psychotropes seuls. Le tout dépend aussi, évidemment et encore une fois de l’âge des patients, du type de leur dépression et de leur histoire propre ainsi que des causes éventuellement repérables de « la » dépression (traumatisme, accouchement, burnout, etc.).

Psychothérapies
En première intention et quels que soient les âges en question, le traitement de la dépression se fait avec une psychothérapie dans l’un des modèles psychanalyse, humaniste, systémique ou Psychothérapie cognitivo-comportementale ou autres. Le premier modèle travaille sur les causes intrapsychiques de la dépression, il présuppose un engagement du patient sur le moyen terme. La psychothérapie humaniste, quant à elle, s’intéresse davantage à la personne et à son actualisation. La psychothérapie cognitivo-comportementale pour sa part, s’occupe de la dépression en modifiant les comportements et les idées qui s’y rattachent.

Pour les enfants et les adolescents, la psychothérapie est le moyen privilégié, pour les adultes et les personnes âgées, elle peut s’adjoindre un traitement par antidépresseur .

Médicaments
Article détaillé : Antidépresseur. On ne traite pas un adulte de la même manière qu’un adolescent ou un enfant et qu’une personne âgée. Pour les enfants et les adolescents en particulier, la psychothérapie doit être privilégiée par rapport aux psychotropes. L’indication d’un antidépresseur doit toujours faire l’objet d’un examen psychiatrique approfondi qui tienne compte des différents facteurs, médicaux, psychiques, environnementaux, familiaux et professionnels. Les effets secondaires sont clairement expliqués aux patients et sont de moins en moins minimisés en regard de la baisse d’influence de pharmas comme seule source d’information pour les médecins. On sait par exemple que les études sur le Prozac ont été biaisées dans un sens favorable à leur commercialisation.

Les principales familles d’antidépresseurs sont les IMAO, les Tricycliques, les SSRI, les SNRI et le Lithium. Les SSRI inhibent spécifiquement la recapture de la sérotonine (5HT) en bloquant le site de recapture situé en amont de la fente synaptique. Les SNRI inhibent la recapture de la sérotonine (5HT) et de la noradrénaline. Les Tricycliques et IMAO sont des principes actifs puissants qui modifient la concentration des monoamines du système nerveux central. Les tricycliques inhibent la recapture présynaptique des mono-amines 5HT(sérotonine) et/ou NA. Les IMAO inhibent leur dégradation. Les deux processus aboutissent à l’augmentation intrasynaptique en mono-amines. Ils sont utilisés dans les formes sévères des différents types de dépression. Par ailleurs, les IMAO imposent des restrictions d’associations médicamenteuses et des restrictions alimentaires, Ils ne doivent en aucun cas être associés aux SSRI/SNRI, au risque de déclencher un syndrome sérotoninergique éventuellement mortel.

Le Lithium (proche du sodium et du potassium avec qui il partage plusieurs propriétés) est le régulateur de l’humeur le plus utilisé dans les troubles bipolaires ; Il est efficace dans les trois quart des patients maniaco-dépressifs, mais son mécanisme d’action reste mal connu, tant contre les phases maniaques que dépressives. Dans la cellule, il pourrait altérer le transport transmembranaire du sodium et ainsi modifier la conduction nerveuse. Il augmenterait aussi l’activité du système nerveux sérotoninergique. Il pourrait également agir sur un système de second messager dans le neurone post-synaptique, déclenchent une cascade de réaction biochimique, dont l’une implique le second messager phosphatidylinositol. Le Lithium inhiberait l’enzyme chargée de transformer l’inositol phosphate en inositol libre, d’où une accumulation d’inositol phosphate qui pourrait avoir de nombreux effets dans le neurone post-synaptique. La principale difficulté est le dosage, qui doit être très précis pour minimiser ses effets secondaires (nausée, diarrhée, perte d’appétit, soif, voire insuffisance rénale). Historique :

1959 : Inhibiteur des monoamine oxydases (IMAO)
1960 : Antidépresseurs tricycliques (ATC : Clomipramine)
1989 : Inhibiteurs sélectifs de recapture de la sérotonine (ISRS : Fluoxétine (Prozac), Sertraline, Paroxetine, Citalopram, Escitalopram)
1992 : Inhibiteurs réversibles de la monoamine oxydase de type A (RIMA)
1994 : Inhibiteur de la recapture de la sérotonine-noradrénaline (IRSN : Venlafaxine (Effexor))
1995 : Inhibiteur sélectif de recapture de la sérotonine et du blocage des récepteurs 5-HT2 (ISRS 5-HT2)
1998 : Modulateurs de la noradrénaline et de la dopamine (MNADA)
2001 : Noradrénaline et sérotonine sélectifs antidépresseurs (NASSA)
Selon les cas, certains autres traitements peuvent être associés aux antidépresseurs : somnifères pour aider à restaurer sommeil et repos en attendant l’efficacité du traitement de fond, anxiolytiques, voire médicaments potentialisant l’effet des antidépresseurs.

L’efficacité de la dernière génération d’antidépresseurs (antagonistes de la recapture de la noradrénaline ou de la sérotonine) reste cependant modérée dans les dépressions sévères et quasi nulle dans les formes modérées.

Le millepertuis serait efficace comme antidépresseur chez des patients atteints de dépression légère à modérée, mais pas dans la dépression sévère. Le mécanisme d’action serait une inhibition de la recapture de la sérotonine.

Sismothérapie
Article détaillé : Sismothérapie. La sismothérapie (électrochoc) vise à reproduire une crise convulsive (épileptique). L’intervention est réalisée sous anesthésie générale, sous ventilation assistée après administration d’un relaxant musculaire. Un bref courant est appliqué au niveau d’un ou des deux lobes temporaux. Le mécanisme d’action est encore aujourd’hui mal compris. Son efficacité est démontrée]. Cette thérapie suscite une controverse, alimentée principalement par le caractère d’apparence barbare de cette intervention lors de ses premières utilisations en psychiatrie avant la deuxième guerre mondiale. Elle reste utilisée mais présente occasionnellement des effets secondaires importants pour le patient : pertes de mémoire (rapidement réversibles). Son indication reste les syndromes dépressifs graves après échecs de plusieurs cures médicamenteuses ou en première intention si le pronostic vital est engagé (catatonie) ou si le patient le souhaite.

Stimulation Magnétique Transcrânienne (TMS)
Article détaillé : Stimulation magnétique transcranienne.La Stimulation Magnétique Transcrânienne (TMS, de l’anglais Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation) est une technique non invasive qui permet de stimuler des zones précises du cortex cérébral au moyen d’impulsions magnétiques de très courte durée mais dont l’intensité est comparable à celle utilisée en Imagerie par résonance magnétique (jusqu’à 3 Teslas). L’efficacité de la TMS contre la dépression est aujourd’hui en cours d’évaluation sur le long terme et ses succès actuels n’augurent encore pas de leur devenir dans la durée, et cette technique est désormais utilisée par nombre de services neuropsychiatriques de pays industrialisés. La TMS suscite de l’intérêt car elle représenterait pour certains patients une alternative à la sismothérapie. La TMS fait encore l’objet de nombreuses recherches cliniques qui cherchent à optimiser les paramètres utilisés (fréquence de sti venir à out démulation, nombre de séances, durée des séances, cible neuroanatomique…) avant qu’elle puisse éventuellement prendre sa place dans les traitements à larges indications.
A mon sens, seule une psychanalyse peut véritablement venir à bout d’une dépression, grâce à la mise en relation de l’analysant avec son inconscient.

Depression

3 octobre 2010

Depression

About this leafle

It describes what depression feels like, some of the help that is available, how you can help yourself and how to help someone else who is depressed. It also mentions some of the things we don’t know about depression. At the end of the leaflet there is a list of other places where you can get further information.

Introduction
We all feel fed up, miserable or sad at times. These feelings don’t usually last longer than a week or two, and they don’t interfere too much with our lives. Sometimes there’s a reason, sometimes not. We usually cope – we may talk to a friend but don’t otherwise need any help.

However, in depression:

■your feelings don’t lift after a few days – they carry on for weeks or months
■are so bad that they interfere with your life.
What does it feel like?
Most people with depression will not have all the symptoms listed below, but most will have at least five or six.

You:

■feel unhappy most of the time (but may feel a little better in the evenings)
■lose interest in life and can’t enjoy anything
■find it harder to make decisions
■can’t cope with things that you used to
■feel utterly tired
■feel restless and agitated
■lose appetite and weight (some people find they do the reverse and put on weight)
■take 1-2 hours to get off to sleep, and then wake up earlier than usual
■lose interest in sex
■lose your self-confidence
■feel useless, inadequate and hopeless
■avoid other people
■feel irritable
■feel worse at a particular time each day, usually in the morning
■think of suicide.

You may not realise how depressed you are for a while, especially if it has come on gradually. You try to struggle on and may even start to blame yourself for being lazy or lacking willpower. It sometimes takes a friend or a partner to persuade you that there really is a problem which can be helped.

You may start to notice pains, constant headaches or sleeplessness. Physical symptoms like this can be the first sign of depression.

Why does it happen?
As with our everyday feelings of low mood, there will sometimes be an obvious reason for becoming depressed, sometimes not. It can be a disappointment, a frustration, or that you have lost something – or someone – important to you. There is often more than one reason, and these will be different for different people. They include:

■Things that happen in our lives
It is normal to feel depressed after a distressing event – bereavement, a divorce or losing a job. You may well spend a lot of time over the next few weeks or months thinking and talking about it. After a while you come to terms with what’s happened. But you may get stuck in a depressed mood, which doesn’t seem to lift.

■Circumstances
If you are alone, have no friends around, are stressed, have other worries or are physically run down, you are more likely to become depressed.

■Physical Illness
Physical illnesses can affect the way the brain works and so cause depression. These include:

■life-threatening illnesses like cancer and heart disease
■long and/or painful illnesses, like arthritis
■viral infections like ‘flu’ or glandular fever – particularly in younger people
■hormonal problems, like an under-active thyroid.
■Personality
Some of us seem to be more vulnerable to depression than others. This may be because of our genes, because of experiences early in our life, or both.

■Alcohol
Regular heavy drinking makes you more likely to get depressed – and, indeed, to kill yourself.

■Gender
Women seem to get depressed more often than men. It may be that men are less likely to talk about their feelings and more likely to deal with them by drinking heavily or becoming aggressive. Women are more likely to have the double stress of having to work and look after children.

■Genes
Depression can run in families. If you have one parent who has become severely depressed, you are about eight times more likely to become depressed yourself.

What about bipolar disorder (manic depression)?
About one in 10 people who suffer from serious depression will also have periods when they are too happy and overactive. This used to be called manic depression, but is now often called Bipolar Disorder. It affects the same number of men and women and tends to run in families (see leaflet on Bipolar Disorder).

Isn’t depression just a form of weakness?
Other people may think that you have just ‘given in’, as if you have a choice in the matter. The fact is there comes a point at which depression is much more like an illness than anything else. It can happen to the most determined of people – even powerful personalities can experience deep depression. Winston Churchill called it his ‘black dog’.

When should I seek help?
■When your feelings of depression are worse than usual and don’t seem to get any better.
■When your feelings of depression affect your work, interests and feelings towards your family and friends.
■If you find yourself feeling that life is not worth living, or that other people would be better off without you.

It may be enough to talk things over with a relative or friend. If this doesn’t help, you probably need to talk it over with your family doctor. You may find that your friends and family have noticed a difference in you and have been worried about you.

Helping yourself
■Don’t keep it to yourself
If you’ve had some bad news, or a major upset, tell someone close to you – tell them how you feel. You may need to talk (and maybe cry) about it more than once. This is part of the mind’s natural way of healing.

■Do something
Get out of doors for some exercise, even if only for a walk. This will help you to keep physically fit, and will help you sleep. Even if you can’t work, it’s good to keep active. This could be housework, do-it-yourself (even as little as changing a light bulb) or any activity that is part of your normal routine.

■Eat well
You may not feel like eating – but try to eat regularly. Depression can make you lose weight and run short of vitamins which will only make you feel worse. Fresh fruit and vegetables are particularly helpful.

■Beware alcohol!
Try not to drown your sorrows with a drink. Alcohol actually makes depression worse. It may make you feel better for a short while, but it doesn’t last. Drinking can stop you dealing with important problems and from getting the right help. It’s also bad for your physical health.

■…. and cannabis
While cannabis can help you to relax, there is now evidence that regular use, particularly in teenagers, can bring on depression.

■Sleep
If you can’t sleep, try not to worry about it. Settle down with some relaxing music or television while you’re lying in bed. Your body will get a chance to rest and, with your mind occupied, you may feel less anxious and find it easier to get some sleep.

■Tackle the cause
If you think you know what is behind your depression, it can help to write down the problem and then think of the things you could do to tackle it. Pick the best things to do and try them.

■Keep hopeful
Remind yourself that:

■Many other people have had depression.
■It may be hard to believe, but you will eventually come out of it.
■Depression can sometimes be helpful – you may come out of it stronger and better able to cope. It can help you to see situations and relationships more clearly.
■You may be able to make important decisions and changes in your life, which you have avoided in the past.
What kind of help is available?
Most people with depression are treated by their family doctor. Depending on your symptoms, the severity of the depression and the circumstances, the doctor may suggest:

■self-help
■talking treatments
■antidepressant tablets
Guided self-help
This can include:

■Self-help leaflets or books, using CBT principles (see below)
■Self help computer programmes or the internet
■Exercise – 3 sessions per week for 45 minutes to 1 hour, for between 10 and 12 weeks

Whichever of these is right for you depends on your personality and lifestyle.

Talking treatments
There are many different sorts of psychotherapy available, some of which are very effective for people with mild to moderate depression. They include:

■Counselling
Simply talking about your feelings can be helpful however depressed you are. Sometimes it is hard to express your real feelings even to close friends. Talking things through with a trained counsellor or therapist can be easier. It can be a relief to get things off your chest and it can help you to be clearer about how you feel about your life and other people. There may be a counsellor at your GP surgery with whom you can talk, or your GP can refer you to a local counselling service.

■Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT)
Many of us have habits of thinking which, quite apart from what is happening in life, are likely to make us depressed and keep us depressed. CBT helps you to:

1.identify any unrealistic and unhelpful ways of thinking
2.then develop new, more helpful ways of thinking and behaving.
See our leaflet on CBT for further information.

■Problem-solving therapy
This helps you to be clear about your key problems, how to break them down into manageable bits and how to develop problem-solving skills.

■Couple therapy
If your depression seems connected with your relationship with your partner, then RELATE can be helpful in enabling you to sort out your feelings – it is an organisation that specialises in working with couples. (see ‘other organisations’ for contact details).

■Support groups
If you have become depressed while suffering from a disability or caring for a relative, then sharing experiences with others in a self-help group may give you the support you need.

■Bereavement Counselling
If you are not able to get over the death of someone close to you, you need to talk about it with a specialist bereavement counsellor.

■Interpersonal and psychodynamic psychotherapy
This may be more suitable if you have had long-standing difficulties with your life or relationships. This tends to be a longer-term treatment and helps you to see how your past experiences may be affecting your life here and now.

■Group therapy
Talking in groups can be helpful in changing how you behave with other people. You get the chance, in a safe and supportive environment, to hear how people see you and the opportunity to try out different ways of behaving and talking.

Talking treatments do take time to work. Sessions usually last about an hour and you might need anywhere from five to 30 sessions. Some therapists will see you weekly, others every two to three weeks.

Problems with talking treatments
These treatments are usually very safe, but they can have unwanted effects. Talking about things can bring up bad memories from the past and this can make you feel worse for a while. Others have reported that therapy can change their outlook and the way they relate to friends and family. Therapy can put a strain on a close relationship. Make sure that you can trust your therapist and that they have the necessary training. If you are concerned about having therapy, talk it over with your doctor or therapist. Unfortunately, talking treatments are still in short supply. In some areas, you may have to wait for several months.

Antidepressants
If your depression is severe or goes on for a long time, your doctor may suggest a course of antidepressants. These are not tranquillisers, although they may help you to feel less anxious and agitated. They can help people with depression to feel and cope better, so that they can start to enjoy life and deal with their problems effectively again. Although there is a continuing debate about how much more effective they are than placebo (‘dummy drug’), they seem to be most helpful with more severe depressions.

If you do start taking antidepressants, you probably won’t feel any effect on your mood for two or three weeks. You may notice that you start to sleep better and feel less anxious after a few days.

How do antidepressants work?
The brain is made up of millions of cells which transmit messages from one to another using tiny amounts of chemical substances called neurotransmitters. Upwards of 100 different chemicals are active in different areas of the brain. It is thought that in depression two of these neurotransmitters are particularly affected – Serotonin, sometimes referred to as 5HT, and Noradrenaline. Antidepressants increase concentrations of these two chemicals at nerve endings and so seem to boost the function of those parts of the brain that use Serotonin and Noradrenaline. Even so, it is not certain that this is the actual mechanism that improves your mood.

Problems with antidepressants
Like all medicines, antidepressants have side-effects, though these are usually mild and tend to wear off after a couple of weeks. The newer antidepressants (called SSRIs) may make you feel a bit sick at first and you may feel more anxious for a short while. The older type of antidepressants can cause a dry mouth and constipation. Your doctor can advise you on what to expect, and will want to know about anything that worries you. You will also get written information on the medication from your pharmacist.

If an antidepressant makes you sleepy, you should take it at night, so it can help you to sleep. However, if you feel sleepy during the day, you should not drive or work with machinery till the effect wears off. Alcohol can make you very sleepy if you drink while taking the tablets, so it is best avoided.You can eat a normal diet while taking most of these tablets.

Your GP, not a psychiatrist, will usually be the one who prescribes an antidepressant. At first, he or she will need to see you regularly to make sure the tablets agree with you. If they do help, it is advisable to stay on them for at least 6 months after you feel better. If you have had more than one episode of depression, you may have to stay on them for longer than this. When it is time to stop, you should come off them slowly with the advice of your doctor.

People often worry that antidepressants are ‘addictive’. Certainly, you may get withdrawal symptoms if you stop an antidepressant suddenly. These can include anxiety, diarrhoea and vivid dreams or even nightmares. This can nearly always be avoided by slowly reducing the dose before stopping. Unlike drugs such as Valium (or nicotine or alcohol), you don’t have to keep taking an increasing amount to get the same effect, and you will not find yourself craving an antidepressant.

Antidepressants and young people
There are some limits to the use of antidepressants for younger people, in their teens. There is some evidence that SSRI antidepressants can increase suicidal thoughts in young people, so there are limits on their use in this age group. In the UK:

■Fluoxetine is the only SSRI antidepressant licensed for use with young people.
■It should usually be used only in addition to a psychological therapy.
■It should be given under the direction of a psychiatrist
■The young person should be seen every week at least for the first 4 weeks.

You can find more detailed information in the our leaflet on antidepressants.

Alternative remedies
St John’s Wort is a herbal remedy available from chemists. It is widely used in Germany and there is evidence that it is effective in mild to moderate depression. There are now one-tablet per day preparations available. It seems to work in much the same way as some antidepressants, but some people find that it has fewer side-effects. One problem is that it can interfere with the way other medications work. If you are taking other medication, you should discuss it with your doctor.

Which is right for me – antidepressants or talking treatments?
If you depression is mild, then you probably won’t need an antidepressant. But – if your depression has gone on for a long time or is affecting you badly, then it may be worth trying an antidepressant at the same time as a course of talking therapy.

People often find that it is useful to have some form of psychotherapy after their mood has improved with antidepressants. It can help you to work on some of the things in your life that might otherwise make you become depressed again.

So, it may not be a case of one treatment or the other, but what is most helpful for you at a particular time. Both talking treatments and antidepressants are about equally effective in helping people get better from moderate depression. (see references). Many psychiatrists believe that antidepressants are more effective in treating severe depression.

Some people just don’t like the idea of medication, some don’t like the idea of psychotherapy. So, there is obviously a degree of personal choice. This is limited by the fact that proper counselling and psychotherapy are not readily available in some areas of the country.

When you are low it can be difficult to work out what you should do. Talk it over with friends or family or people you trust. They might be able to help you decide.

Will I need to see a psychiatrist?
Probably not. Most people with depression get the help they need from their GP. If you don’t improve and need more specialist help, you will be referred to a psychiatrist or a member of the Community Mental Health Team. A psychiatrist is a medical doctor who specialises in the treatment of emotional and mental disorders. Community team members may be a nurse, psychologist, social worker or occupational therapist. Whichever profession they belong to, they will have specialist training and experience in mental health problems.

The first interview with a psychiatrist will probably last about an hour. You may be invited to bring a relative or friend with you if you wish. The psychiatrist will want to find out about your general background and about any serious illnesses or emotional problems you may have had in the past. He or she will ask about what has been happening in your life recently, how the depression has developed and whether you have had any treatment for it already. It can sometimes be difficult to answer all these questions, but they help the doctor to get to know you as a person and to get an idea of what would be good options for you.

This might be practical advice, or suggesting different treatments, perhaps involving members of your family. If your depression is severe or needs specialist treatment, you might need to come into hospital – but this is only needed for one in every 100 people with depression.

What will happen if I don’t get any treatment?
The good news is that 4 out of 5 people with depression will get completely better without any help in about 4-6 months – sometimes more. So, why bother to treat depression?

Although 4 out of 5 people get better in time, this still leaves 1 in 5 who are still depressed two years later. As yet, we can’t accurately predict who will get better and who will not. Even if you get better eventually, the experience can be so unpleasant that you may feel that you want to shorten the time you are depressed. Moreover, if you have a first episode of depression, you have a roughly 50:50 chance of having another one. A small number of people with depression will eventually commit suicide.

Taking up some of the suggestions in this leaflet may shorten a period of depression. If you can overcome it by yourself, then that will give you a feeling of achievement and confidence to tackle such feelings again if you feel low in the future. However, if the depression is severe or goes on for a long time, it may stop you from being able to work and enjoy life.

How can I help someone who is depressed?
■Listen. This can be harder than it sounds. You may have to hear the same thing over and over again. It’s usually best not to offer advice unless it’s asked for, even if the answer seems perfectly clear to you. If depression has been brought on by a particular problem, you may be able to help find a solution or at least a way of tackling the difficulty.
■It’s helpful just to spend time with someone who is depressed. You can encourage them, help them to talk, and help them to keep going with some of the things they normally do.
■Someone who is depressed will find it hard to believe that they can ever get better. You can reassure them that they will get better, but you may have to repeat this over and over again.
■Make sure that they are buying enough food and eating enough.
■Help them to stay away from alcohol.
■If they are getting worse and start to talk of not wanting to live or even hinting at harming themselves, take them seriously. Make sure that they tell their doctor.
■Encourage them to accept help. Don’t discourage them from taking medication, or seeing a counsellor or psychotherapist. If you have worries about the treatment, then you may be able to discuss them first with the doctor.

To resolve this problem of depression, I think the best method is : Psychanalysis

Depression in America

3 octobre 2010

The Journal of the American Medical Association published a special issue on depression in mid-June. The lead article detailed the results of the National Comorbidity Survey Replication. Although its results were announced as news, the replication actually found largely the same results, and trends, as prior studies of depression.

More Americans report being depressed. We have had a revolution in the United States in identifying and treating depression, searching for its genetic causes and developing new families of antidepressant drugs. Yet we see no reduction in depression. In the recent Comorbidity Survey, 6.6 percent (about 14 million Americans) had a serious depressive episode in the previous year, while more than 16 percent (about 35 million) experienced such depression over their lifetimes. In the first Comorbidity survey 10 years earlier, this figure was less than 15 percent.

Younger Americans experience the most depression. A hoary debate is whether such increases represent actual changes in depression rates or just better identification and labeling of the malady. Yet, the increase in depression is most notable in the young (despite frequent claims that seniors are the group most liable to be depressed). In the current Comorbidity Survey, of those experiencing depression in the previous year, three times as many were in the youngest group (18 to 29) as the oldest (60-plus).

Many more Americans are being treated/medicated. The increase in Americans receiving treatment for depression is striking. Although only a third of those measured as depressed in the previous survey were treated, 57 percent received treatment in the recent study. This increase of almost 40 percent corresponds with data on the rapid, and continuing, growth in sales of antidepressant medications. In 2001, prescription medicine sales grew 17 percent or more in the United States for the fourth year in a row, with antidepressants leading the way (up $12.5 billion, more than 20 percent, in 2001).

The survey claims more people need to be treated with more medication. The thrust of the Comorbidity Survey (as expressed by its lead investigator, Ronald Kessler of the Harvard Medical School) is that although many more Americans were being treated, more people needed to receive treatment, and those entering treatment needed to receive more treatment, including more medication.

However, many people worry about the rapid growth in the psychiatric medication of Americans, especially the young. For example, a study published in 2003 (covering the years 1987 to 1996) found that 6.2 percent of children and adolescents took at least one psychiatric drug in 1996, compared with 2.5 percent in 1987. They were also being treated for longer with the medications.

Although these pediatric drugs included antipsychotics and Ritalin, in 2003 Prozac was approved for the first time for children age 7 through 17. This age group was not a part of the Comorbidity Survey, but will become the youngest cohort in the next replication. We might wonder whether there will be an even more noticeable surge in depression treatment with the 19-29 age group then.

Will the next survey likewise claim that greater numbers of people need to be treated for depression? Already, many observers are concerned about the psychomedication of young (and other) Americans. For example, the effects of these medications on young people have rarely been studied. According to Dr. James Leckman, professor of child psychiatry at the Yale School of Medicine, « we’re doing these experiments more or less with our own children. »

The Comorbidity Survey and its authors present a continuing portrait of Americans as requiring more and more treatment for depression. Most health professionals endorse this as an advance in public health, but nagging questions remain: Maybe the sources of depression are not under medical control and, by medicating growing numbers of Americans, we are masking the sources of their misery. In this view, encouraging people to recognize and treat the growing incidence of depression in the United States does not represent unalloyed cultural progress.

Depression in Deutschland

3 octobre 2010

Depressiv (lat. deprimere „niederdrücken“) bezeichnet umgangssprachlich einen Zustand psychischer Niedergeschlagenheit. In der Psychiatrie wird die Depression den affektiven Störungen zugeordnet. Im gegenwärtig verwendeten Klassifikationssystem psychischer und anderer Erkrankungen (ICD 10) lautet die Krankheitsbezeichnung depressive Episode oder rezidivierende (wiederkehrende) depressive Störung. Die Diagnose wird allein nach Symptomen und Verlauf gestellt. Zur Behandlung depressiver Störungen werden nach Aufklärung über die Ursachen und den Verlauf der Erkrankung Antidepressiva eingesetzt, aber auch ergänzend oder allein Psychotherapie, wie z. B. tiefenpsychologische oder verhaltenstherapeutische Verfahren.

Symptome
Die Krankheit Depression ist charakterisiert durch Stimmungseinengung (Verlust der Fähigkeit zu Freude oder Trauer; Verlust der affektiven Resonanz, d. h. der Patient ist durch Zuspruch nicht aufhellbar), Antriebshemmung, mit oder ohne Unruhe, Denkhemmung, Schlafstörungen. Diese Schlafstörungen sind Ausdruck eines gestörten 24-Stundenrhythmus. Häufig geht es dem Kranken in den frühen Morgenstunden so schlecht, dass er nicht mehr weiter schlafen kann. Liegt diese Form des gestörten chronobiologischen Rhythmus vor, fühlt sich der Patient am späten Nachmittag und Abend jeweils besser, bis dann einige Stunden nach Mitternacht die depressive Symptomatik in voller Stärke wieder einsetzt. Weitere Symptome können sein: übertriebene Sorge um die Zukunft, unter Umständen überbetonte Beunruhigung durch Bagatellstörungen im Bereich des eigenen Körpers (siehe Hypochondrie), das Gefühl der Hoffnungslosigkeit, Minderwertigkeit, Hilflosigkeit, sowie soziale Selbstisolation, Selbstentwertung und übersteigerte Schuldgefühle, dazu Müdigkeit, verringerte Konzentrations- und Entscheidungsfähigkeit, das Denken ist verlangsamt (Denkhemmung), sinnloses Gedankenkreisen (Grübelzwang), dazu Störungen des Zeitempfindens. Häufig bestehen Reizbarkeit und Ängstlichkeit. Negative Gedanken und Eindrücke werden über- und positive Aspekte nicht adäquat bewertet. Das Gefühlsleben ist eingeengt, was zum Verlust des Interesses an der Umwelt führen kann. Auch kann sich das sexuelle Interesse vermindern oder erlöschen (Libidoverlust). Bei einer schweren depressiven Episode kann der Erkrankte in seinem Antrieb so gehemmt sein, dass er nicht mehr einfachste Tätigkeiten, wie Körperpflege, Einkaufen oder Abwaschen verrichten kann. Der Schlaf ist nicht erquickend, das morgendliche Aufstehen bereitet Probleme (Morgentief; Tagesschwankungen). Bei einer seltenen Krankheitsvariante verhält es sich umgekehrt: Es tritt ein sogenanntes „Abendtief“ auf, d. h. die Symptome verstärken sich gegen Abend und das Einschlafen ist erschwert oder erst gegen Morgen möglich.

Depressive Erkrankungen gehen mit körperlichen Symptomen einher, sogenannten Vitalstörungen, wie Appetitlosigkeit, Schlafstörungen, Gewichtsabnahme, Gewichtszunahme („Kummerspeck“), häufig auch mit Schmerzen in ganz unterschiedlichen Körperregionen, am typischsten mit einem quälenden Druckgefühl auf der Brust.

Während einer depressiven Episode ist die Infektionsanfälligkeit erhöht.

Je nach Schwere einer Depression kann sie mit latenter oder akuter Suizidalität einhergehen. Es wird vermutet, dass der größte Teil der jährlich circa 12.000 Suizide in Deutschland auf Depressionen zurückzuführen ist.

Geschlechtsspezifische Unterschiede
Die Symptomatik einer Depression kann sich bei Frauen und Männern auf unterschiedliche Weise ausprägen. Bei den Kernsymptomen sind die Unterschiede gering. Während bei Frauen eher Phänomene wie Mutlosigkeit und Grübeln verstärkt zu beobachten sind, gibt es bei Männern jedoch deutliche Hinweise darauf, dass sich eine Depression auch in einer Tendenz zu aggressivem Verhalten niederschlagen kann.[1] In einer Untersuchung bei stationär behandelten Patienten fanden sich bei Männern neben einer vermehrten Klage über Schlaflosigkeit auch deutlich mehr Anzeichen von Reizbarkeit, Verstimmung, schnellem Aufbrausen, Wutanfällen, Unzufriedenheit mit sich und anderen, Neigung zu Vorwürfen und nachtragendem Verhalten, erhöhter Risikobereitschaft, exzessivem Sporttreiben, sozial unangepasstem Verhalten, ausgedehntem Alkohol- und Nikotinkonsum, sowie einem erhöhten Selbsttötungsrisiko.

Kinder und Jugendliche
Im Entwicklungsverlauf zeigt sich eine Depression in unterschiedlichen Symptomen und Ausprägungen, die grob in verschiedene Phasen zu unterscheiden sind. Ein Kleinkind im Alter von ein bis drei Jahren hat noch nicht die Fähigkeit, sich differenziert zu seinem Befinden zu äußern. Eine Depression erkennt man bei ihm an einem ausdruckslosen Gesicht, erhöhter Irritabilität, und einem gestörten Essverhalten. Das Kind wirkt insgesamt traurig und entwickelt ein selbststimulierendes Verhalten. Dabei besonders auffällig sind beispielsweise Jactatio capitis oder exzessives Daumenlutschen; auch kann genitale Selbstmanipulation früh einsetzen. Das Spielverhalten zeichnet sich durch mangelnde Kreativität oder verminderte Ausdauer aus. Auch kann das Kleinkind eine generelle Spielunlust oder eine generell mangelnde Phantasie entwickeln.

Vorschulkinder zeigen ein trauriges Gesicht und eine verminderte Mimik und Gestik. Sie sind leicht irritierbar und stimmungslabil. Sie können sich nicht freuen, und zeigen introvertiertes oder aggressives Verhalten. Sie sind weniger an motorischer Aktivität interessiert und können stark an Gewicht ab- oder zunehmen. Auch können sie eine Schlafstörung entwickeln. Sie können dann nicht ein- oder durchschlafen oder haben Albträume.

Schulkinder können meist schon verbal über ihre Traurigkeit berichten. Zusätzlich können sie Suizidgedanken und Schulleistungsstörungen entwickeln. Auch können sie Befürchtungen entwickeln, von ihren Eltern nicht genügend beachtet zu werden.

Jugendliche in der Pubertät zeigen häufig ein vermindertes Selbstvertrauen, sind apathisch, haben Ängste und Konzentrationsmängel. Auch Jugendliche können Leistungsstörungen entwickeln und zirkadiane Schwankungen des Befindens zeigen. Auch psychosomatische Störungen können hier Anzeichen für eine Depression sein. Jugendliche zeigen hierbei schon die Kriterien der depressiven Episode, wie sie bei Erwachsenen zu erkennen sind.[2]

Diagnose
Klassifikation nach ICD-10
F32.0 Leichte depressive Episode (Der Patient fühlt sich krank und sucht ärztliche Hilfe, kann aber trotz Leistungeinbußen seinen beruflichen und privaten Pflichten noch gerecht werden, sofern es sich um Routine handelt.)
F32.1 Mittelgradige depressive Episode (Berufliche oder häusliche Anforderungen können nicht mehr oder – bei Tagesschwankungen – nur noch zeitweilig bewältigt werden).
F32.2 Schwere depressive Episode ohne psychotische Symptome (Der Patient bedarf ständiger Betreuung. Eine Klinik-Behandlung wird notwendig, wenn das nicht gewährleistet ist).
F32.3 Schwere depressive Episode mit psychotischen Symptomen (Wie F.32.2, verbunden mit Wahngedanken, z. B. absurden Schuldgefühlen, Krankheitsbefürchtungen, Verarmungswahn u. a.).
F32.8 Sonstige depressive Episoden
F32.9 Depressive Episode, nicht näher bezeichnet
ICD-10 online (WHO-Version 2006)
Da die Depression eine sehr häufige Erkrankung ist, sollte sie bereits vom Hausarzt erkannt werden, was aber nur in etwa der Hälfte aller Fälle gelingt. Manchmal wird die Diagnose erst von einem Psychiater oder psychologischen Psychotherapeuten gestellt. Wegen der besonderen Schwierigkeiten der Diagnostik und Behandlung von Depressionen im Kindesalter, sollten Kinder und Jugendliche mit einem Verdacht auf eine Depression grundsätzlich einem Kinder- und Jugendlichenpsychiater oder Kinder- und Jugendlichenpsychotherapeuten vorgestellt werden.

Verbreitete Diagnosewerkzeuge sind die Hamilton-Depressionsskala (HAMD), das Beck-Depressions-Inventar (BDI) und das Inventar depressiver Symptome (IDS).

Mitunter wird eine Depression von einer anderen Erkrankung überdeckt und nicht erkannt. Eine Depression kann sich auch vorwiegend durch körperliche Symptome – oft Schmerzen – äußern und wird dann als „larvierte Depression“ bezeichnet (die Depression versteckt sich hinter den körperlichen Symptomen wie hinter einer Larve).

In der ICD-10 fallen Depressionen unter den Schlüssel F32.- und werden als „depressive Episode“ bezeichnet. Im Falle sich wiederholender Depressionen werden diese unter F33.- klassifiziert, bei Wechsel zwischen manischen und depressiven Phasen unter F31.-. Die ICD-10 benennt drei typische Symptome der Depression: depressive Stimmung, Verlust von Interesse und Freude sowie eine erhöhte Ermüdbarkeit. Für die Diagnose leichter und mittlerer Episoden schreibt die ICD-10 wenigstens zwei dieser typischen Symptome (in Verbindung mit zwei bzw. mindestens drei weniger typischen Symptomen) vor, für schwere Episoden müssen alle drei typischen Symptome vorhanden sein (zusätzlich wenigstens vier weniger typische Symptome).[3]

Für Kinder und Jugendliche gelten die gleichen Diagnoseschlüssel wie für Erwachsene. Allerdings kann bei Kindern eine ausgesprochene Verleugnungstendenz vorliegen, und sie können große Schamgefühle haben. In einem solchen Fall kann Verhaltensbeobachtung und die Befragung der Eltern hilfreich sein. Hierbei wird häufig auch die familiäre Belastung in Hinblick auf depressive Störungen sowie anderen Störungen exploriert. Im Zusammenhang mit Depression wird oft eine Anamnese des Familiensystems nach Beziehungs- und Bindungsstörungen sowie frühkindlichen Deprivationen oder auch seelischen, körperlichen und sexuellen Misshandlungen erstellt.

Zu den weiteren diagnostischen Schritten kann auch eine Befragung der Schule oder des Kindergartens hinsichtlich der Befindlichkeit des Kindes oder Jugendlichen zählen. Häufig wird auch eine orientierende Intelligenzdiagnostik durchgeführt, welche eine eventuelle Über- oder Unterforderung aufdecken soll. Spezifische Testverfahren für Depression im Kindes- und Jugendalter sind das Depressions-Inventar für Kinder und Jugendliche (DIKJ) von J. Stiensmeier-Pelster, M. Schürmann und K. Duda und der Depressions-Test für Kinder (DTK) von P. Rossmann.

Ausschluss-Diagnosen
Perniziöse Anämie, Vitamin-B12-Mangel
Erkrankung der Schilddrüse
sonstige Anämie[4][5]
Fruktosemalabsorption[6]
Verbreitung
Die Depression ist die am häufigsten auftretende psychische Erkrankung. Das Bundesgesundheitsministerium schätzt, dass vier Millionen Deutsche von einer Depression betroffen sind und dass gut zehn Millionen Menschen bis zum 65. Lebensjahr eine Depression erlitten haben. Aber die Zahlen schwanken. Das hängt zum einen mit der hohen Dunkelziffer zusammen (viele Depressionen werden nicht als solche erkannt) und zum anderen mit der Definition der Krankheit. Der britische NHS erklärt in einer groß angelegten Informationskampagne hingegen, dass fast jeder Mensch in seinem Leben mindestens einmal an Depression leide. Diese Kampagne richtet sich insbesondere an Männer, die sich ihrer Krankheit meist schämen, diese verheimlichen und so nicht die nötige Hilfe erhalten.

Bei Frauen werden Depressionen im Durchschnitt doppelt so oft wie bei Männern diagnostiziert. Dies kann auf eine verstärkte genetische Disposition von Frauen zur Depression hinweisen, aber auch mit den unterschiedlichen sozialen Rollen und Zuschreibungen zusammenhängen, da deutlich mehr Männer an meist depressionsbedingten Suiziden sterben als Frauen. Bei Männern können sich Depressionen auch anders ausdrücken als bei Frauen. Da sich Männer aber tendenziell seltener in ärztliche Behandlung begeben und dabei weniger über sich erzählen, kommt dies oft nicht zur Kenntnis.

Eine reine Depression im Kindesalter ist selten. Bei Vorschulkindern beträgt sie weniger als 1 % und steigt bei Schulkindern auf 2–3 %. Bei Jugendlichen wird eine Häufigkeit von 7–13 % angegeben. Das Geschlechterverhältnis ändert sich in der Adoleszenz von einem Übergewicht bei Jungen vor der Pubertät zur Dominanz bei Mädchen ab dem zwölften Lebensjahr. Bei diesen Zahlen muss allerdings berücksichtigt werden, dass eine Diagnose vor allem im Vorschulalter sehr schwierig ist. Es treten häufige Komorbiditäten auf.

Entwicklung
In den vergangenen Jahren wurde in den entwickelten Ländern ein Anstieg diagnostizierter Erkrankungen beobachtet. Die Ursachen dafür sind noch unklar.

In westlichen Gesellschaften haben sich andere Indikatoren, die auf psychische Probleme hinweisen (Suizide, Alkoholismus) positiv entwickelt. Aktuelle Studien kommen dementsprechend zu dem Ergebnis, dass die tatsächliche Häufigkeit depressiver Erkrankungen in westlichen Ländern in den letzten Jahrzehnten nicht zugenommen hat. Nach diesem Ergebnis wäre die häufigere Diagnose vor allem auf ein gestiegenes Problembewusstsein und eine höhere Akzeptanz der Erkrankung zurückzuführen.

Allerdings wird auch in Fachkreisen die These vertreten, dass die Zahl der Erkrankungen tatsächlich zunimmt. Ursprung dieser These war vor allem eine Studie von Klerman und Weissman aus dem Jahr 1989, die das „Zeitalter der Depression“ ausrief.

Unterschiedliche Formen
Die älteren Bezeichnungen unterscheiden zwischen endogener Depression (endogen bedeutet innen entstanden; infolge veränderter Stoffwechselvorgänge im Gehirn; im klinischen Alltag als eine Form der affektiven Psychose bezeichnet), die ohne erkennbare Ursache auftritt (und bei der auch eine genetische Mitverursachung vermutet wird), neurotische Depression – oder auch Erschöpfungsdepression – (verursacht durch länger andauernde belastende Erfahrungen in der Lebensgeschichte) und reaktive Depression – als Reaktion auf ein aktuell belastendes Ereignis.

Depression wird auch die Krankheit mit vielen Gesichtern genannt. Gegenwärtig ist das deskriptiv (beschreibend) ausgerichtete Diagnose-Schema nach ICD-10 in der psychiatrischen Wissenschaft verbindlich, welches den psychopatologischen Syndromen zugeordnet wird. Es trennt lediglich zwischen depressiven Episoden und rezidivierenden depressiven Störungen. Die Schwere der Depression wird mit leicht, mittelgradig, schwer und schwere depressive Episode mit psychotischen Symptomen bezeichnet (vergleiche Abschnitt: „Diagnose“). Dysthymia steht für die chronifizierte Depression.

Von einer akuten Depression ist dann die Rede, wenn ein direkter Auslöser erkennbar ist. Depressive Reaktion (ICD-10) ist die frühere reaktive Depression.

Die unipolare Depression ist eine der häufigsten Formen. Die Patienten erleben einmalig oder wiederholt (rezidivierende) depressive Tiefs; ist das Tal durchschritten, geht es ihnen wieder gut. Bei der selteneren bipolaren affektiven Störung erkrankt der Patient im Wechsel an Depression und Manie. Die frühere Bezeichnung dieses Krankheitsbildes lautete manisch-depressive Erkrankung. Auch hier ist der Begriff „affektive Psychose“ noch gebräuchlich. In abgeschwächter, aber über Jahre sich hinziehender Ausprägung werden diese bipolaren Schwankungen Zyklothymie genannt.

Die Winterdepression ist eine saisonal auftretende Form, für die ein Mangel an Sonnenlicht ursächlich zu sein scheint.

Die Bezeichnung Altersdepression ist irreführend, da sich eine depressive Episode im Alter nicht von der in jungen Jahren unterscheidet. Allerdings erkranken Ältere häufiger an einer Depression als Jüngere.

Die Schwangerschaftsdepression kommt häufig aufgrund einer Anpassungsstörung während der Schwangerschaft zustande.

Bei etwa 10 % bis 15 % der Frauen kommt es nach einer Geburt zu einer postpartalen Depression

Anaklitische Depression
Eine Sonderform der Depression ist die anaklitische Depression (Anaklise = Abhängigkeit von einer anderen Person) bei Babys und Kindern, wenn diese allein gelassen oder vernachlässigt werden. Die anaklitische Depression äußert sich durch Weinen, Jammern, anhaltendes Schreien und Anklammern und kann in psychischen Hospitalismus übergehen.

Somatisierte Depression
Die somatisierte Depression (auch maskierte bzw. larvierte Depression genannt) ist eine depressive Episode, die mit körperlichen Beschwerden einhergeht: Rückenschmerzen, Kopfschmerzen, Beklemmungen in der Brustregion – hier sind die unterschiedlichsten körperlichen Symptome möglich als „Präsentiersymptome“ einer Depression. Die Häufigkeit der maskierten Depression in der Hausarztpraxis kann bis 14 % betragen (jeder siebente Patient).[13] [14] Verkannte maskierte Depressionen sind ein aktuelles gesundheitspolitisches Problem.

Organische Depression
Organische Depression nennt man depressive Symptome, die durch eine körperliche Erkrankung hervorgerufen werden (z. B. durch eine Hypothyreose), durch Schilddrüsenfunktionsstörungen, Hypophysen- oder Nebennierenerkrankungen oder Frontalhirnsyndrom. Nicht zur organischen Depression zählen Depressionen im Gefolge von hormonellen Umstellungen, z. B. nach der Schwangerschaft oder in der Pubertät.

Agitierte Depression
Die zur Depression gehörende innere Unruhe, die zumeist subklinisch bleibt (d. h. nur vom Patienten gespürt), kann gelegentlich so gesteigert sein, dass eine Erscheinungsform entsteht, die agitierte Depression genannt wird. Der Patient wird getrieben von einem rastlosen Bewegungsdrang, der ins Leere läuft (manifeste Agitation). Der Kranke läuft umher, kann nicht still sitzen, auch die Hände nicht ruhig halten, was häufig mit Händeringen und Nesteln einhergeht. Das Mitteilungsbedürfnis ist gesteigert und führt zu einförmigem Jammern. Trotz der motorischen Unruhe besteht ein hochgradiges Antriebsdefizit. Selbst kleinste Anforderungen können nicht mehr bewältigt werden. Die agitierte Depression tritt bei älteren Patienten häufiger auf als in jüngerem und mittlerem Alter.

Atypische Depression [Bearbeiten]
Hauptmerkmale der Atypischen Depression sind die Aufhellbarkeit der Stimmung sowie vermehrter Appetit oder Gewichtszunahme, Hypersomnie, „bleierne Schwere“ des Körpers und eine lang anhaltende Überempfindlichkeit gegenüber subjektiv empfundenen persönlichen Zurückweisungen. Atypisch bezieht sich dabei auf die Abgrenzung zur endogenen Depression und nicht auf die Häufigkeit dieses Erscheinungsbildes einer Depression. Etwa 15 bis 40 % aller depressiven Störungen sind „atypische Depressionen“. In einer aktuellen Studie aus Deutschland betrug der Anteil atypischer Depressionen 15,3 %. Patienten mit atypischen Depression hatten im Vergleich zu den anderen depressiven Patienten eine höhere Wahrscheinlichkeit an somatischen Angstsymptomen, somatischen Symptomen, Schuldgedanken, Libidostörungen, Depersonalisation und Misstrauen zu leiden.[15]

Chronische Depression [Bearbeiten]
Als chronisch wird eine Depression bezeichnet, wenn sie bereits zwei Jahre und länger andauert. Häufig beginnen chronische Depressionen bereits in Kindheit und Jugend vor dem Hintergrund einer Traumatisierung. [16] Bei der Traumatisierung handelt es sich häufig um Vernachlässigung und emotionalen Missbrauch. Mit dem Cognitive Behavioral Analysis System of Psychotherapy gibt es seit einigen Jahren eine Psychotherapie, welche speziell auf die Bedürfnisse von Menschen mit chronischer Depression zugeschnitten ist. [16] [17]

Ursachen [Bearbeiten]
Die Ursachen depressiver Erkrankungen sind komplex und nur teilweise verstanden. Es ist von einem Zusammenwirken mehrerer Ursachen auszugehen: sowohl biologische Faktoren als auch entwicklungsgeschichtliche Erfahrungen, aktuelle Ereignisse und kognitive Verarbeitungsmuster spielen eine Rolle.

Genetische Ursachen [Bearbeiten]
Familien-, Zwillings- und Adoptionsstudien belegen eine genetische Disposition für Depression. Zwillingsstudien zeigen, dass im Vergleich zu Effekten der gemeinsamen familiären Umgebung genetischen Faktoren eine entscheidende Bedeutung zukommt.[18] So sei das Risiko für Kinder, bei denen ein Elternteil depressiv erkrankt ist, bei 10–15 %, ebenfalls zu erkranken, und bei vorhandener Erkrankung beider Elternteile bei 30–40 %.

Die Zwillingsstudien zeigen umgekehrt auch, dass die genetische Komponente nur ein Teilfaktor ist. Selbst bei identischer genetischer Ausstattung (eineiige Zwillinge) erkrankt der Zwillingspartner des depressiven Patienten in weniger als der Hälfte der Fälle. Beim Entstehen einer Depression spielen immer auch Umweltfaktoren eine Rolle. Darüber, wie die mögliche genetische Grundlage der Depression allerdings aussehen könnte, besteht keine Einigkeit. Einvernehmen herrscht nur darüber, dass es ein isoliertes „Depressions-Gen“ nicht gibt.

Zu bedenken ist, dass zwischen genetischen Faktoren und Umweltfaktoren komplizierte Wechselbedingungen (Genom-Umwelt-Kovarianz) bestehen können. So können genetische Faktoren z. B. bedingen, dass ein bestimmter Mensch durch eine große Risikobereitschaft sich häufig in schwierige Lebenssituationen manövriert. [19] Umgekehrt kann es von genetischen Faktoren abhängen, ob ein Mensch eine psychosoziale Belastung bewältigt oder depressiv erkrankt.

Konkrete genetische Befunde bei der unipolaren Depression [Bearbeiten]
Ein wesentlicher genetischer Vulnerabilitätsfaktor für das Auftreten einer Depression wird in einer Variation in der als 5-HTTLPR bezeichneten Promotorregion des Serotonin-Transportergens vermutet.

5-HTTLPR steht dabei für Serotonin (5-HT) Transporter (T) Length (L) Polymorphic (P) Region (R). Das Gen befindet sich auf dem Chromosom 17q11.1–q12. Es kommt in der Bevölkerung in unterschiedlichen Formen vor (sogenannter „unterschiedlicher Längenpolymorphismus“ mit einem sogenannten „kurzen“ und einem „langen Allel“). Träger des kurzen Allels reagieren empfindsamer auf psychosoziale Stressbelastungen und haben damit ein unter Umständen doppelt so großes Risiko (Disposition), an einer Depression zu erkranken, wie die Träger des langen Allels. Zudem soll das Gen für den Serotonin-Transporter auch die Entwicklung und die Funktion eines wichtigen Emotionsschaltkreises zwischen Amygdala (Mandelkern) und dem vorderen subgenualen cingulären Cortex beeinflussen. Dabei wird diskutiert, dass bei den Trägern des kurzen Allels die physiologische „Bremsfunktion“ des Gyrus cinguli (Gürtelwindung) auf die stressbedingten „negativen“ Angstgefühle in den Mandelkernen nicht ausreichend stattfinden kann. Da die negativen Gefühle somit nicht ausreichend gedämpft werden können, komme es schließlich zu einer depressiven Stimmung[20][21] (vgl. auch Imaging Genetics).

In einer Meta-Analyse, die im Juni 2009 im Journal of the American Medical Association erschienen ist[22], wurden die Daten von mehr als 14.000 Menschen aus 14 zuvor veröffentlichen Studien auf diesen Zusammenhang hin untersucht. Insgesamt konnte kein erhöhtes Risiko für depressive Erkrankungen mit der Ausprägung des Serotonintransportergens 5-HTTLPR in Zusammenhang gebracht werden. Auch wenn die Anzahl der schweren Lebensereignisse der Menschen mit dem Genotyp kombiniert wurde, gab es keinen statistisch signifikanten Zusammenhang. Insbesondere konnten die Funde von Avshalom Caspi, 2003 in Science publiziert[23], nicht repliziert werden. Er und seine Kollegen waren zu dem Ergebnis gekommen, dass mit einer zunehmenden Anzahl von Short-Allelen (also LL < LS/SL < SS) das Erkrankungsrisiko mit der Anzahl der Lebensereignisse weiter steigt. Von den 13 anderen analysierten Studien haben zwei den gegenteiligen Effekt gefunden, also ein verringertes Erkrankungsrisiko bei Short-Allelen, fünf keinen Effekt, drei den Effekt nur bei Frauen oder Trägern des SS-Polymorphismus und zwei den Effekt wie von Caspi und Kollegen berichtet. Diese Ergebnisse sprechen gegen einen Zusammenhang zwischen dem Serotonintransportergen und depressiven Erkrankungen[24], während die Anzahl der schweren Lebensereignisse allein bei den über 14.000 Menschen das Erkrankungsrisiko signifikant beeinflusste.

Weitere Kandidatengene, die mit dem Auftreten von Depressionen in Verbindung gebracht werden, codieren Enzyme bzw. Rezeptoren, die ebenfalls vor allem im Serotoninstoffwechsel eine wichtige Funktion innehaben: hierzu gehören der Serotoninrezeptor 2A (5-HT2A), die Tyrosinhydroxylase (TH) und die Tryptophanhydroxylase 1 (TPH1). Auch die Catechol-O-Methyltransferase (COMT; katecholaminabbauendes Enzym) scheint mit dem Auftreten von Depressionen verbunden zu sein.[25]

Neurobiologische Faktoren
Als gesichert gilt, dass bei jeder bekannten Form der Depression das serotonale und/oder noradrenale System gestört ist, das heißt, der Spiegel dieser Neurotransmitter ist zu hoch oder zu niedrig, oder die Resorption/Reizbarkeit der Synapsen ist verändert. Unklar ist jedoch, ob die Veränderung des Serotoninspiegels eine Ursache oder eine Folge der depressiven Erkrankung ist.

Im Blut und Urin von Depressiven lassen sich in der Regel überhöhte Mengen des Stresshormons Cortisol nachweisen.

Depression als Ausdruck von Fehlanpassung an chronischen Stress [Bearbeiten]
Chronischer Stress führt über eine andauernde Stimulation der Hypothalamus-Hypophysen-Nebennieren-Achse (HHN-Achse) zu einer übermäßigen Ausschüttung von Glucocorticoiden ins Blut. Bei Depressiven lassen sich überhöhte Mengen des Stresshormons Cortisol im Blut und Urin nachweisen. Deshalb wurde schon früh ein Zusammenhang zwischen dem Auftreten von Depressionen und Stress vermutet.

Die Steuerung der Glucocorticoidsekretion erfolgt zentral durch die parvozellulären neurosekretorischen Neuronen aus dem Nucleus paraventrikularis des Hypothalamus. Das Corticotropin Releasing Hormone (CRH), welches von diesen Neuronen gebildet wird, stimuliert zunächst die Bildung und Ausschüttung des adrenocorticotropen Hormons (ACTH) aus der Adenohypophyse. ACTH führt über eine Aktivierung der Nebennierenrinde zu einer Ausschüttung von Gluco- und Mineralocorticoiden. Die bei Depressionen beschriebene Dysregulation der HHN Achse zeigt sich in einer erhöhten basalen Sekretion von ACTH und Cortisol, in einer verminderten Suppression von Cortisol im Dexamethason-Hemmtest und in einer verminderten ACTH-Sekretion nach Gabe von CRF.

Relativ neu ist die Erkenntnis, dass durch die erhöhte Ausschüttung von Glucocorticoiden bei Stress empfindliche Regionen des Gehirns selbst geschädigt werden können. Besonderes Interesse findet in diesem Zusammenhang in der neueren Forschung der zum limbischen System gehörende Hippocampus. Störungen der kognitiven Verarbeitungsprozesse bzw. der Gedächtnisleistungen, wie sie auch bei Depressionen vorkommen, lassen sich funktionell dieser Formation zuordnen. Sie korrelieren mit einer erhöhten Konzentration von Glucocorticoiden in dieser Region als Folge von chronischen Stresseinflüssen. Glucocorticoide scheinen dabei verantwortlich zu sein für die z. B. deutliche „Ausdünnung“ von Dendriten in den Pyramidenneuronen dieser Formation (Regression der apikalen Dendriten in der CA3 Region). Wie neuere MRT-Untersuchungen zeigen, kann es bei Depressionen aufgrund dieser Veränderungen zu einer (rechtsbetonten) Volumenreduktion des Hippocampus kommen.[26][27]

Der Hippocampus gehört – neben dem Bulbus olfactorius – zu den einzigen Regionen des Nervensystems, die in der Lage sind, von sich aus wieder neue Nervenzellen zu bilden (Neuroneogenese bzw. Fähigkeit zur Neuroplastizität). Auch diese Fähigkeit zur Neuroneogenese scheint durch die schädigende Wirkung der Glucocorticoide im Stress bei Depressionen beeinträchtigt zu sein.

Die beschriebenen Veränderungen bei Depressionen gelten andererseits gerade wegen der Fähigkeit des Hippocampus zur Regeneration wiederum als reversibel. Sie lassen sich durch Gabe bestimmter Medikamente (wie z. B. Lithium und bestimmter Antidepressiva) positiv beeinflussen.[28]

Transmittersysteme, wie das Serotonin- oder Noradrenalinsystem haben im Hinblick auf die Genese von Depressionen nach neueren Erkenntnissen vor allem eine modulierende Wirkung auf emotional gefärbte psychosoziale Stressreaktionen. Dabei wird z. B. durch einen reduzierten Serotoninmetabolismus die adäquate biologische Bewältigung der (Stress-)Gefühle Angst und Aggression beeinträchtigt. Man geht inzwischen davon aus, dass aufgrund mangelnder Serotonin-Transporter in den Bahnen zwischen limbischen und kortikalen Zentren infolge einer kurzen Variante des Serotonin-Transporter-Gens[29] – im Sinne einer „gene-by-environment interaction“ – die Verarbeitungsmöglichkeit für sozial emotionale Stressreaktionen herabgesetzt ist. Dies führt über eine stressbedingte erhöhte Erschöpfbarkeit zur Entwicklung einer depressiven Stimmung. Auch die Stimulierung der CRF-Ausschüttung im Stress wird über serotonerge Bahnen geregelt.

Im Zusammenhang mit den aktuellen Erklärungsmodellen zur Genese von Depressionen beschäftigt sich die pharmakologische Forschung bei der Suche nach neuen wirksamen Substanzen zur Angst- und Depressionsbehandlung mit der Wirkung der CRF-Typ 1-Antagonisten (wie Astressin[30], Antalarmin[31])

Das Erklärungsmodell von Depressionen als Fehlanpassung bei chronischen Stresseinflüssen rechtfertigt vielfältige therapeutische Einflussmöglichkeiten vor allem auf die subjektiv dispositionellen Faktoren von Stresserleben und Stressbewältigung.[32] Im Vordergrund steht dabei allgemein die Stärkung der Resilienz einer Person.

Psychologische Theorien zur Depressionsentstehung [Bearbeiten]
Erlernte Hilflosigkeit [Bearbeiten]
Nach Seligmans Depressionsmodell werden Depressionen durch Gefühle der Hilflosigkeit bedingt, die auf unkontrollierbare, aversive Ereignisse folgen. Entscheidend für die erlebte Kontrollierbarkeit von Ereignissen sind die Ursachen, auf die die Person ein Ereignis zurückführt. Nach Seligman führt die Ursachenzuschreibung unangenehmer Ereignisse auf internale, globale und stabile Faktoren zu Gefühlen der Hilflosigkeit, die wiederum zu Depressionen führen. Mittels Seligmans Modell lässt sich die hohe Komorbidität zu Angststörungen erklären: Allen Angststörungen ist gemein, dass die Personen ihre Angst nicht oder sehr schlecht kontrollieren können, was zu Hilflosigkeits- und im Verlauf der Störung auch zu Hoffnungslosigkeitserfahrungen führt. Diese wiederum sind, laut Seligman, ursächlich für die Entstehung von Depressionen.[33]

Kognitionen als Ursache [
Im Zentrum von Becks Depressionsmodell stehen kognitive Verzerrungen der Realität durch den Depressiven. Ursächlich dafür sind, laut Beck, negative kognitive Schemata oder Überzeugungen, die durch negative Lebenserfahrungen ausgelöst werden. Kognitive Schemata sind Muster, die sowohl Informationen beinhalten als auch zur Verarbeitung von Informationen benutzt werden und somit einen Einfluss auf Aufmerksamkeit, Enkodierung und Bewertung von Informationen haben. Durch Benutzung dysfunktionaler Schemata kommt es zu kognitiven Verzerrungen der Realität, die im Falle der depressiven Person zu pessimistischen Sichtweisen von sich selbst, der Welt und der Zukunft führen (negative Triade). Als typische kognitive Verzerrungen werden u. a. willkürliche Schlüsse, selektive Abstraktion, Übergeneralisierungen und Über- oder Untertreibungen angesehen. Die kognitiven Verzerrungen verstärken rückwirkend die Schemata, was zu einer Verfestigung der Schemata führt. Unklar ist jedoch, ob kognitive Fehlinterpretationen, bedingt durch die Schemata, die Ursache der Depression darstellen oder ob durch die Depression kognitive Fehlinterpretationen erst entstehen.

Verstärkerverlust
Nach dem Depressionsmodell von Lewinsohn, das auf der operanten Konditionierung der behavioristischen Lerntheorie beruht, entstehen Depressionen aufgrund einer zu geringen Rate an verhaltenskontingenter Verstärkung. Nach Lewinsohn hängt die Menge positiver Verstärkung von der Anzahl verstärkender Ereignisse, von der Menge verfügbarer Verstärker und von den Verhaltensmöglichkeiten einer Person ab, sich so zu verhalten, dass Verstärkung möglich ist.[33]

Psychoanalytische Einstellung
In der Psychoanalyse gilt die Depression als eine gegen sich selbst gerichtete Aggression. Als psychische Ursachen für die Depression werden, besonders von psychoanalytisch orientierten Psychologen wie Heinz Kohut, Donald W. Winnicott und im Anschluss Alice Miller, auch dysfunktionale Familien beschrieben. Hier sind die Eltern mit der Erziehungsarbeit überfordert, und von den Kindern wird erwartet, dass sie die Eltern glücklich machen, zumindest aber problemlos „funktionieren“, um das fragile familiäre System nicht aus dem Gleichgewicht zu bringen. Besonders Kinder, die auf solch eine Überforderung mit der bedingungslosen Anpassung an die familiären Bedürfnisse reagieren, sind später depressionsgefährdet. Als handlungsleitendes Motiv kann nun das ständige Erfüllen von Erwartungen entstehen. Die so entstandenen Muster können lange auf einer latenten Ebene bleiben, und beispielsweise durch narzisstische Größenphantasien oder ein Helfersyndrom kompensiert werden. Das narzisstische Über-Ich verzeiht die Ohnmacht nicht: wenn die Überforderung ein nicht mehr erträgliches Maß erreicht, wird aus der latenten eine manifeste Depression (vgl. Erlernte Hilflosigkeit).

Sozialwissenschaftliche Erklärungstheorien zur Depressionsentstehung [Bearbeiten]
Psychosoziale Faktoren [Bearbeiten]
Ungünstige Lebensumstände (Arbeitslosigkeit, körperliche Erkrankung, geringe Qualität der Partnerschaft, Verlust des Partners) können eine depressive Episode auslösen, sofern die genetische Disposition besteht. Wahrscheinlicher ist jedoch, dass, nachdem eigengesetzlich bereits einmal eine depressive Episode mit Störung der Neurotransmitter aufgetreten war, erneute depressiven Episoden gebahnt sind, d. h. psychische Belastungen stoßen eine praeformierte Neurotransmitter-Entgleisung an.

Häufig nennt der Patient als Ursache seiner Erkrankung vorhandene, zum Teil schon sehr lange bestehende Konflikte. Seien die behoben, wäre er wieder gesund. In der Regel verwechselt der Patient dabei Ursache und Wirkung. Nach Abklingen der depressiven Episode wird die Belastung wie schon vor der depressiven Erkrankung ertragen und bewältigt, ja meist als Belastung gar nicht mehr bezeichnet und als Gegebenheit akzeptiert.

Bei Personen mit einem genetisch bedingten Risiko können belastende Ereignisse, wie etwa Armut Depressionen auslösen (dies ist ein Beispiel für eine Genotyp-Umwelt-Interaktion).[34]

Kinder aus Arbeiterfamilien sind häufiger depressiv als Kinder aus Familien der Mittelschicht.

Brown und Harris (1978) berichteten in ihrer als Klassiker geltenden Studie an Frauen aus sozialen Brennpunkten in London, dass Frauen ohne soziale Unterstützung ein besonders hohes Risiko für Depressionen aufweisen. Viele weitere Studien haben seitdem dieses Ergebnis gestützt. Menschen mit einem kleinen und wenig unterstützenden sozialen Netzwerk werden besonders häufig depressiv. Gleichzeitig haben Menschen, die erst einmal depressiv geworden sind, Schwierigkeiten, ihr soziales Netzwerk aufrecht zu erhalten. Sie sprechen langsamer und monotoner und halten weniger Augenkontakt, zudem sind sie weniger kompetent beim Lösen interpersonaler Probleme.[35]

Depression als Ausdruck einer sozialen Gratifikationskrise
Der Medizinsoziologe Johannes Siegrist hat auf der Grundlage umfangreicher empirischer Studien das Modell der Gratifikationskrise (verletzte soziale Reziprozität) zur Erklärung des Auftretens zahlreicher Stresserkrankungen (wie Herz-/Kreislauf-Erkrankungen, Depression) vorgeschlagen.

Gratifikationskrisen gelten als großer psychosozialer Stressfaktor. Sie können vor allem in der Berufs- und Arbeitswelt, aber auch im privaten Alltag (z. B. in Partnerbeziehungen) als Folge eines erlebten Ungleichgewichtes von wechselseitigem Geben und Nehmen auftreten. Sie äußern sich in dem belastenden Gefühl, sich für etwas engagiert eingesetzt oder verausgabt zu haben, ohne dass dies gebührend gesehen oder gewürdigt wurde. Oft sind solche Krisen mit dem Gefühl des Ausgenutztseins verbunden. In diesem Zusammenhang kann es zu heftigen negativen Emotionen kommen. Dies wiederum kann bei einem Andauern auch zu einer Depression führen.

Hauptartikel: Sozial bedingte Ungleichheit von Gesundheitschancen
Depressionen bei Kindern als Folge elterlicher Depressionen [Bearbeiten]
Eine Depression bei einem Familienmitglied wirkt sich auf Kinder aller Altersgruppen aus. Elterliche Depression ist ein Risikofaktor für zahlreiche Probleme bei den Kindern, jedoch insbesondere für Depressionen. Viele Studien haben die negativen Folgen der Interaktionsmuster zwischen depressiven Müttern und ihren Kindern belegt. Bei den Müttern wurde mehr Anspannung und weniger verspielte, wechselseitig belohnende Interaktion mit den Kindern beobachtet. Sie zeigten sich weniger empfänglich für die Emotionen ihres Kindes und weniger bestätigend im Umgang mit dessen Erlebnissen. Außerdem boten sich den Kindern Gelegenheiten zum Beobachten depressiven Verhaltens und depressiven Affektes.

Physiologische Ursachen
Ein biogener Auslöser ist der Mangel an Tageslicht. Bei der so genannten saisonalen (auch: Winter- oder Herbstdepression) treten durch zu wenig Sonnenlicht regelmäßig über die Wintermonate depressive Symptome auf, die im Frühjahr wieder abklingen.

Krankheitserreger als Ursache
Auch chronische Infektionen mit Krankheitserregern wie Streptokokken oder auch Bornaviren stehen im wissenschaftlichen Verdacht, Depressionen auslösen zu können.[37][38]

Medikamente als Auslöser
Depressive Syndrome können durch die Einnahme oder das Absetzen von Medikamenten und psychotropen Substanzen verursacht werden. Fast zu jeder in der Medizin eingesetzten Wirkstoffgruppe liegen Einzelfallberichte über eine durch Einnahme ausgelöste depressive Symptomatik vor. Die wichtigste Bedingung der Diagnose einer substanzinduzierten affektiven Störung ist der zeitliche Zusammenhang von Einnahme oder Absetzen der Substanz und Auftreten der Symptomatik. Die Substanzen, die am häufigsten Symptome einer Depression verursachen können, sind Antikonvulsiva, Benzodiazepine (vor allem nach Entzug), Zytostatika, Glucocorticoide, Interferone, Antibiotika, Lipidsenker, Neuroleptika, Retinoide, Sexualhormone und Betablocker. Die Unterscheidung zwischen einer substanzinduzierten Depression und einer von Medikamenteneinnahme unabhängigen Depression kann schwierig sein. Grundlage der Unterscheidung ist eine durch einen Psychiater erhobene ausführliche Anamnese.[39]

Hormonelle Faktoren als Auslöser
Die nicht-pathologischen Symptome des „Baby-Blues“ werden in der Fachliteratur vollständig auf hormonelle Ursachen zurückgeführt. Mit einer Häufigkeit von ungefähr 10 bis 15 Prozent stellt die postnatale Depression eine häufige Störung nach der Geburt dar. Die Symptome können Niedergeschlagenheit, häufiges Weinen, Angstsymptome, Grübeln über die Zukunft, Antriebsminderung, Schlafstörungen, körperliche Symptome und lebensmüde Gedanken bis hin zur Suizidalität umfassen. Es wird diskutiert, inwiefern hormonelle Einflüsse für ein Auftreten dieser Erkrankung verantwortlich sind. Zum jetzigen Zeitpunkt (Stand 2007) können aber noch keine eindeutigen Aussagen darüber getroffen werden.[12]

Depressionen in der Schwangerschaft [Bearbeiten]
Hauptartikel: Schwangerschaftsdepressionen
Nach einer groß angelegten englischen Studie sind circa 10 Prozent aller Frauen von Depressionen während der Schwangerschaft betroffen. Nach einer anderen Studie sind es in der 32. Schwangerschaftswoche 13,5 Prozent. Die Symptome können extrem unterschiedlich sein. Hauptsymptom ist eine herabgesetzte Stimmung, wobei dies nicht Trauer im engeren Sinn sein muss, sondern von den betroffenen Patienten auch oft mit Begriffen wie „innere Leere“, „Verzweiflung“ und „Gleichgültigkeit“ beschrieben wird. Psychosomatische körperliche Beschwerden sind häufig. Es dominieren negative Zukunftaussichten und das Gefühl der Hoffnungslosigkeit. Das Selbstwertgefühl ist niedrig. Die depressive Symptomatik in der Schwangerschaft wird oft von schwangerschaftstypischen „Themen“ beeinflusst. Dies können etwa Befürchtungen in Bezug auf die Mutterrolle oder die Gesundheit des Kindes sein.

Gesundheitsaspekte der Depression
Koronare Herzkrankheit
Die Depression selbst ist ein Risikofaktor für die Entwicklung einer koronaren Herzkrankheit.[42] Bei einem Patienten mit koronarer Herzkrankheit erhöht die Depression wiederum das Risiko auf einen Myocardinfarkt auf das 3 bis 4 fache.[43] Weiterhin zeigen eine Reihe von Studien, dass eine akute Depression bei Myocardinfarkt die Mortalität etwa um das 3fache steigert.[44] Studien zeigen, dass trotzdem bei Patienten mit Myocardinfarkt die Depression vielfach unbehandelt bleibt.[45] Eine Behandlung der Depression würde günstige Effekte auf die Heilungsaussichten der Patienten haben.[46] Während trizyklische Antidepressiva in der Akutphase des Myokardinfarkts nicht zu empfehlen sind, sind SSRI durchaus hilfreich und unproblematisch. Sertralin konnte sogar die Reinfarktrate senken.[47] Eine weitere Studie bestätigt das für Paroxetin und Fluoxetin.

Behandlung
Depressionen können in der Regel gut behandelt werden. Infrage kommen die Psychotherapie, physikalische Maßnahmen oder eine medikamentöse Behandlung mit Antidepressiva. Häufig wird auch eine Kombination aus medikamentöser und psychotherapeutischer Behandlung angewandt.

Bei der Psychotherapie konzentriert sich die Interaktion zwischen Therapeut und Patient auf das Gespräch. Hier können verschiedene Verfahren zum Einsatz kommen (siehe unten). Ausgeführt wird die Psychotherapie von Psychologischen Psychotherapeuten, Kinder- und Jugendlichenpsychotherapeuten oder von ärztlichen Psychotherapeuten. Häufig erfolgt die Gabe von Antidepressiva durch den Hausarzt oder Psychiater auch vor oder während einer Psychotherapie als begleitende Medikation.
Die psychiatrische oder ärztliche Behandlung ist in der Regel zweigleisig. Sie besteht in der Führung des Patienten durch das psychiatrische/ärztliche Gespräch (nicht gleichzusetzen mit einer Psychotherapie) und in der Gabe von Antidepressiva. Eine Kombination von Psychotherapie und medikamentöser Behandlung kann von Nervenärzten oder in psychiatrischen Kliniken bzw. Fachkrankenhäusern durchgeführt werden.
Psychotherapie [Bearbeiten]
Zur Behandlung der Depression kann ein breites Spektrum psychotherapeutischer Verfahren wirksam eingesetzt werden (aktuelle Übersicht über evaluierte Therapieverfahren bei Hautzinger, 2008 [49]). Hierzu gehören die Kognitive Verhaltenstherapie, die Interpersonelle Psychotherapie, die Analytische Psychotherapie und die tiefenpsychologisch fundierte Psychotherapie. Aber auch die Gesprächspsychotherapie, die Gestalttherapie, sowie verschiedene Gesprächs- und Körper-Psychotherapeutische Ansätze, kommen in der Behandlung zum Einsatz.

Die verhaltenstherapeutische Behandlung der Depression basiert heutzutage in der Regel auf der Kognitiven Verhaltenstherapie, wobei der Fokus darauf gerichtet ist, die depressionsauslösenden Denk- und Verhaltensmuster zu erkennen, um sie anschließend Schritt für Schritt zu verändern. Außerdem wird der Patient zu größerer Aktivität motiviert, um sowohl seine persönlichen Verstärkermechanismen wieder zu aktivieren als auch die erwiesenen positiven Wirkungen größerer körperlicher Aktivität auf die Stimmung zu nutzen. Dagegen konzentrieren sich die tiefenpsychologisch orientierten Methoden darauf, die Einsicht in unbewusste Konflikte zu ermöglichen. Häufig entstehen diese schon in der Kindheit. Psychische Probleme und die daraus resultierenden Verhaltensweisen können daraufhin bearbeitet werden. Zu den psychoanalytisch begründeten Verfahren gehören auch Kurzzeitpsychotherapien wie die Interpersonelle Psychotherapie. In gruppentherapeutischen Verfahren wird versucht, die Tendenz zum Rückzug zu überwinden, die verringerten Interaktionsmöglichkeiten zu bessern und die oft reduzierte Fähigkeit, Hilfe in Anspruch zu nehmen, zu fördern. Auch die Angehörigen können in die Therapie einbezogen werden. Rollenspieltechniken (zum Beispiel Psychodrama) können unter anderem helfen, den eigenen, oft eingeengten und festgefahrenen Blick zu überwinden. Es gibt zunehmend Hinweise darauf, dass die Verarbeitung unterdrückter Gefühle auch durch eine Selbsttherapie funktionieren kann. Die psychotherapeutischen Verfahren können sowohl als einzige Therapie als auch in Kombination mit einer Pharmakotherapie eingesetzt werden.

Pharmakotherapie [Bearbeiten]
In der medikamentösen Behandlung der Depression gab es in den letzten Jahren enorme Fortschritte. Obwohl die Wirksamkeit von Antidepressiva heute gut belegt ist, sind die Wirkmechanismen nach wie vor ungeklärt (Übersicht über die Pharmakologische Therapie der Depression in Szegedi et al., 2008[50], Übersicht über Wirkmechanismen in Holsboer-Trachsler et al., 2008[51]).

Ursprünglich glaubte man, dass Depressive zu wenig des Neurotransmitters Noradrenalin produzieren (sog. Katecholamin-Hypothese), da Medikamente, die den Noradrenalinspiegel im Gehirn erhöhen, antidepressiv wirken. Später nahm man auch ein Defizit der Transmitter Serotonin und Dopamin an (Monoamin-Hypothese), da andere Antidepressiva die Aktivität dieser Transmittersysteme erhöhen. Moderne Varianten dieser Hypothesen gehen nicht mehr von einem generellen Mangel der Transmitter bei Depressiven aus, sondern führen weitere synaptische Mechanismen an, die zu einer Unteraktivität dieser Transmittersysteme führen können.

Einige Befunde sprechen jedoch dagegen, dass der antidepressive Effekt auf einer Normalisierung oder gar Erhöhung der Transmitteraktivität beruht. (zusammenfassend Brakemeier, 2008 [52]). Antidepressiva wie z.B. SSRI oder SNRI wirken innerhalb von Minuten, indem sie die Konzentration der betreffenden Neurotransmitter im synaptischen Spalt erhöhen. Die antidepressive Wirkung setzt jedoch im Schnitt erst nach ca. zwei bis drei Wochen ein. Das Antidepressivum Trimipramin wirkt antidopaminerg und hat keinen Einfluss auf den Serotonin- oder Noradrenalinspiegel. Daher müsste es der Theorie nach Depressionen auslösen, anstatt sie zu lindern. Das Antidepressivum Tianeptin ist ein SSRE, erhöht also die Wiederaufnahme von Serotonin aus dem synaptischen Spalt. Daher müsste auch dieser Wirkstoff der Theorie nach Depressionen auslösen, anstatt sie zu lindern.[53].

Aktuelle Theorien gehen davon aus, dass sekundäre Anpassungsmechanismen für den antidepressiven Effekt verantwortlich sind, beispielsweise eine Erhöhung der neuronalen Plastizität durch vermehrte Ausschüttung des so genannten Brain-Derived-Neurotrophic-Factor (Neurotrophin)[50].

Die Zahl der Patienten, die nicht compliant sind, ist in der Neurologie und Psychiatrie besonders hoch. [54] Bei Patienten mit Depression liege die Rate der Medikamentenverweigerer bei 50 Prozent. [55] Jede zweite Einweisung in die Psychiatrie ließe sich verhindern, wenn Patienten ihre Psychopharmaka nicht eigenmächtig absetzen würden. [56]

Die bekanntesten Antidepressiva lassen sich in drei Gruppen einteilen:

Selektive Serotoninwiederaufnahmehemmer (SSRI) [Bearbeiten]
Die Selektiven Serotoninwiederaufnahmehemmer werden bei Depressionen heute am häufigsten eingesetzt. Sie haben meist weniger Nebenwirkungen als trizyklische Antidepressiva und wirken ab einer Einnahmedauer von 2 bis 3 Wochen. Sie beruhen auf dem Wirkungsmechanismus der relativen selektiven Wiederaufnahme-Hemmung von Serotonin an der präsynaptischen Membran, wodurch eine „relative“ Erhöhung des Botenstoffs Serotonin erzielt wird.

Serotonin wird bei seiner Erniedrigung in den Stoffwechselvorgängen im Gehirn für die Pathogenese von Depressionen aber auch von Manien und Obsessionen – sprich Zwangshandlungen – verantwortlich gemacht. Daher werden SSRIs auch erfolgreich gegen Zwangs- und Angstzustände eingesetzt bzw. bei Kombinationen mit Depressionen. Da Serotonin auch bei anderen neural vermittelten Prozessen im ganzen Körper eine Rolle spielt, wie zum Beispiel Verdauung und Gerinnung des Blutes, resultieren daraus auch die typischen Nebenwirkungen, durch Interaktion in andere neural gesteuerte Prozesse.

SSRIs werden seit ca. 1986 eingesetzt, seit 1990 sind sie die am häufigsten verschriebene Klasse von Antidepressiva. Wegen des nebenwirkungsärmeren Profils, vor allem in Bezug auf Kreislauf und Herz, sind sie sehr beliebt. Häufige Nebenwirkungen sind jedoch sexuelle Dysfunktion und/oder Anorgasmie. Diese bilden sich zwar einige Wochen nach Absetzen oder Wechsel des Medikaments fast immer vollständig zurück, können jedoch zu zusätzlichem (Beziehungs-)Stress führen.

Trizyklische Antidepressiva
Die trizyklischen Antidepressiva wurden bis zum Aufkommen der Serotoninwiederaufnahmehemmer am häufigsten verschrieben. Hauptnachteil sind deren Nebenwirkungen (z. B. Mundtrockenheit, Verstopfung, Müdigkeit, Muskelzittern und Blutdruckabfall). Bei älteren und bei durch Vorerkrankungen geschwächten Menschen ist daher Vorsicht geboten. Zudem wirken einige Trizyklika häufig zunächst antriebssteigernd und erst danach stimmungsaufhellend, wodurch es zu einem höheren Suizidrisiko in den ersten Wochen der Einnahme kommen kann. In den USA müssen aber auch SSRIs einen diesbezüglichen Warnhinweis tragen.

Monoaminooxidasehemmer (MAO-Hemmer)
MAO-Hemmer wirken durch das Blockieren des Enzyms Monoaminooxidase. Dieses Enzym spaltet Amine wie Serotonin und Noradrenalin – also Botenstoffe im Gehirn – und verringert dadurch deren Verfügbarkeit zur Signalübertragung im Gehirn.

MAO-Hemmer werden in selektive und nicht-selektive MAO-Hemmer unterteilt. Selektive reversible Inhibitoren der MAO-A (z. B. Moclobemid) hemmen nur den Typ A der Monoaminooxidase. MAO-B hemmende Wirkstoffe (z. B. Selegilin) werden in erster Linie als Parkinson-Mittel eingesetzt. Nichtselektive irreversible MAO-Hemmer (z. B. Isocarboxazid, Phenelzin, Tranylcypromin), hemmen MAO-A und MAO-B.

Monoaminooxidasehemmer gelten als gut wirksam. Allerdings müssen Patienten, die nichtselektive, irreversible MAO-Hemmer einnehmen, eine strenge, tyraminarme Diät halten. In Verbindung mit dem Verzehr bestimmter Lebensmittel, wie z. B. Käse und Nüssen, kann die Einnahme von nichtselektiven irreversiblen MAO-Hemmern zu einem gefährlichen Blutdruckanstieg führen.

Weitere Antidepressiva
Weitere Präparate sind Noradrenalin-Serotonin-selektive Antidepressiva (NaSSA, Wirkstoff Mirtazapin – ein tetrazyklisches Antidepressivum wie Mianserin; ferner Maprotilin), Duales Serotonerges Antidepressivum (DSA, Wirkstoff Nefazodon), Serotonin-Noradrenalin-Wiederaufnahmehemmer (SNRI, Wirkstoffe Venlafaxin und Duloxetin; ferner Milnacipran), Noradrenalin-Wiederaufnahmehemmer (NARI, Wirkstoff Reboxetin; ferner Atomoxetin), Serotonin-Wiederaufnahmeverstärker (SRE, Wirkstoff Tianeptin), Serotonin-Modulatoren (Wirkstoff Trazodon), selektive Noradrenalin-Dopamin-Wiederaufnahmehemmer (NDRI, Wirkstoff Bupropion). Von historischer Bedeutung ist auch der Einsatz von Opiaten.

Neuroleptika
Bei therapieresistenten Depressionen werden in einigen Fällen Neuroleptika wie zum Beispiel Olanzapin eingesetzt.

Phasenprophylaxe und Augmentation
Speziell bei manisch-depressiven Störungen wird zur Phasenprophylaxe und als Wirkungsverstärker anderer Antidepressiva zudem Lithium eingesetzt. Nachteil der Lithiumtherapie ist die nötige ständige Überwachung des Lithiumspiegels im Blut, da Über- und Unterdosierung hier nahe beieinander liegen. Alternativ können Stimmungsstablisatoren wie Lamotrigin, Carbamazepin und Valproinsäure gegeben werden. Eine weitere Möglichkeit ist die Gabe von Schilddrüsenhormonen, im Regelfall also die Gabe von Thyroxin. Daneben können auch bestimmte Neuroleptika wie Olanzapin oder Chlorprothixen oder synergistische Antidepressivakombinationen zur Prophylaxe und Wirkungsverstärkung gegeben werden. Stimulanzien wie Methylphenidat, Pemolin, Modafinil und Dexamfetamin werden bei therapieresistenten Depressionen zur Augmentation der Antidepressiva verwendet

Johanniskraut
Seit mehreren Jahren wird Johanniskraut bei leichten bis mittelschweren Depressionen angewandt. Linde et al., 2008[58] fassen in einer Metaanalyse die Ergebnisse von insgesamt 29 kontrollierten klinischen Studien zur Wirksamkeit von standardisierten Johanneskraut-Extrakten (Hypericum) zusammen. Die Autoren kommen zu drei Schlussfolgerungen: Hypericum-Extrakt ist wirksamer als Placebo, unterscheidet sich nicht in der Wirksamkeit von Standardantidepressiva und hat weniger Nebenwirkungen als Standardantidepressiva. Sie weisen jedoch auch darauf hin, dass die Interpretation der Ergebnisse dadurch erschwert wird, dass die in den Studien festgestellte Wirksamkeit auch von dem Land abhängt, aus dem die Studie stammt[59]. Während die klinische Wirksamkeit mittlerweile als belegt gilt, bestehen bei den Wirkmechanismen noch Unklarheiten. Tierexperimentelle Studien deuten darauf hin, dass Hypericum u.a. ähnliche Veränderungen in den serotonergen und noradrenergen Transmittersystemen bewirkt wie Standardantidepressiva (zusammenfassend siehe Butterwerk et al., 2007[60] oder Wurglics et al., 2006[61]).

Das Institut für Qualität und Wirtschaftlichkeit im Gesundheitswesen geht davon aus, dass Johanniskraut einen Effekt bei leichten Depressionen hat. Generell gab es jedoch eine deutliche Abhängigkeit des Effektschätzers von der Studienqualität: je schlechter die Qualität der Studien, desto größer stellt sich das Ausmaß der aufgezeigten Effekte dar und umgekehrt. Bei Betrachtung allein derjenigen Studien mit der besten methodischen Qualität zeigt Johanniskraut nur einen sehr geringen Effekt. Weiterhin geht das Institut davon aus, dass Johanniskraut bei schweren Depressionen nicht hilft. Es erwies sich bei schweren Depressionen in keiner Studie als dem Placebo überlegen.[62]

Die jetzigen Studien liefern noch nicht genügend Daten, um unterschiedliche Johanniskraut-Extrakte miteinander vergleichen zu können oder die optimale Dosis zu ermitteln.[63] Bei leichten Depressionen konnte jedoch in einer Studie eine Dosis-Wirkungsbeziehung experimentell nachgewiesen werden.[64]

Insbesondere bei gleichzeitiger Einnahme anderer Medikamente kann es durch den Mechanismus der Enzyminduktion in den Leberzellen zu Wechselwirkungen mit anderen Medikamenten kommen: diese können beispielsweise schneller abgebaut und in ihrer Wirkung abgeschwächt werden.

Besondere Erwähnung verdienen Interaktionen von Johanniskraut mit anderen – potenteren – Antidepressiva: So konnte gezeigt werden, dass Johanniskraut die Wirkung von bestimmten trizyklischen Antidepressiva, wie Amitriptylin und Nortriptylin, durch Beschleunigung ihres Abbaus deutlich verringert.

Bei folgenden Substanzen wird durch Wechselwirkung mit Johanniskraut die Serotoninkonzentration im Zentralnervensystem erhöht, was unter Umständen zu einem lebensbedrohlichen Serotonin-Syndrom führen kann: Fluoxetin, Fluvoxamin, Paroxetin, Sertralin, Citalopram, Escitalopram, Mirtazapin, Venlafaxin, Metoclopramid und Trazodon und weiteren.

Die Lichtempfindlichkeit der Haut wird durch die Einnahme von Johanniskrautextrakt erhöht.

Stationäre Behandlung [Bearbeiten]
Bei hohem Leidensdruck und einem nicht zufriedenstellenden Ansprechen auf ambulante Therapie und Psychopharmaka ist eine Behandlung in einer psychiatrischen Klinik in Erwägung zu ziehen. Eine solche Behandlung bietet verschiedene Vorteile: Der Patient erhält eine Tagesstruktur, es sind intensivere psychotherapeutische und medizinische Maßnahmen möglich, auch solche die ambulant nicht abrechenbar sind und somit insbesondere in der kassenärztlichen Versorgung nicht möglich sind. Häufig ist auch die medikamentöse Einstellung z. B. auf Lithium ein Grund für einen Krankenhausaufenthalt. Dabei ist es auch möglich, sich in einer Tagesklinik tagsüber intensiv behandeln zu lassen, die Nacht aber zu Hause zu verbringen. Psychiatrische Kliniken haben in der Regel offene und geschlossene Stationen, wobei Patienten auch auf geschlossenen Stationen in der Regel Ausgang haben.

Lichttherapie [Bearbeiten]

Die Lichttherapie, eine der möglichen Behandlungsmethode bei WinterdepressionenBei leicht- bis mittelgradigen depressiven Episoden im Rahmen einer saisonalen Depression kann die Lichttherapie angewendet werden. Hierbei sitzen die Patienten täglich etwa 30 Minuten vor einem Leuchtschirm, der helles weißes Licht ausstrahlt. Bei Ansprechen der Therapie kann diese über alle Wintermonate hinweg durchgeführt werden.

Elektrische/elektromagnetische Stimulationen [Bearbeiten]
Insbesondere bei schweren und über lange Zeit gegen medikamentöse Behandlung resistenten Depressionen kommen gerade in jüngerer Zeit wieder stärker nicht-medikamentöse Behandlungsverfahren zum Einsatz, deren Wirkprinzipien jedoch weitgehend unklar sind.

Das häufigste diesbezüglich eingesetzte Verfahren ist die Elektrokrampftherapie. In der Epilepsie-Behandlung fiel auf, dass bei Patienten, die gleichzeitig an einer Depression litten, nach einem epileptischen Anfall auch eine Verbesserung der Stimmung auftrat. Die Elektrokrampftherapie wird in Narkose durchgeführt und stellt dann, wenn Medikamente bei schweren Depressionen nicht wirken eine ernsthafte Alternative dar.

Derzeit in einigen Studien befindlich ist die Vagusnerv-Stimulation, bei der eine Art Herzschrittmacher im Abstand von einigen Minuten jeweils kleine elektrische Impulse an den Vagusnerv schickt. Diese Therapie, die ansonsten insbesondere bei Epilepsie-Patienten Anwendung findet, scheint bei etwa 30 bis 40 Prozent der ansonsten therapieresistenten Patienten anzuschlagen.

Ebenfalls getestet wird derzeit die transkranielle Magnetstimulation (TMS), bei der das Gehirn der Patienten durch ein Magnetfeld angeregt wird. Die Anzahl der mit den letztgenannten Verfahren behandelten Studienteilnehmer ist jedoch noch recht gering, so dass derzeit (2004) keine abschließenden Aussagen zu machen sind.

Selbsthilfegruppen [Bearbeiten]
Selbsthilfegruppen sind kein Ersatz für Therapien, sondern sie können eine begleitende Hilfe darstellen. Selbsthilfegruppen können als lebenslange Begleitung und Rückzugsorte dienen. Einige Gruppen wie z. B. die 12-Schritte-Gruppe Emotions Anonymous erwarten keine Voranmeldung, so dass Betroffene spontan bei akuten depressiven Phasen Hilfe suchen können. Hier können Betroffene das Gefühl bekommen, unter Gleichen zu sein und verstanden zu werden. Auch schon alleine die Erkenntnis, dass man nicht alleine auf der Welt ist, mit Schmerz und Ängsten, kann positive Wirkung auf Patienten haben. Als niedrigschwelliges Angebot haben sich Selbsthilfegruppen im ambulanten Bereich etabliert und leisten einen wichtigen Beitrag. In Krankenhäusern und Reha-Kliniken helfen sie Betroffenen, ihre Eigenverantwortung zu stärken und Selbstvertrauen zu erlangen.

Ernährung [Bearbeiten]
Wissenschaftliche Studien lassen auf die besondere Bedeutung von Eicosapentaensäure (EPA) zur Stimmungsaufhellung und günstigen Einflussnahme auf Minderung von Depressionen schließen[65][66] EPA ist eine mehrfach ungesättigte Fettsäure aus der Klasse der Omega-3-Fettsäuren.

Der Wirkungsmechanismus der Omega-3-Fettsäure ist noch nicht aufgeklärt, jedoch wird eine Interaktion von Fettsäure und dem Neurotransmitter Serotonin vermutet: Ein Mangel an Serotonin wird häufig von einem Mangel an Omega-3-Fettsäure begleitet, umgekehrt scheint die Gabe der Fettsäure zur Erhöhung des Serotoninspiegels zu führen. Die orthomolekulare Medizin versucht außerdem über die Aminosäuren Tyrosin und oder Phenylalanin (in der L-Form) Depressionen günstig zu beeinflussen. Die beiden Aminosäuren werden im Körper in Noradrenalin sowie Dopamin umgewandelt. Die Erhöhung dieser Neurotransmitter kann stimmungsaufhellend sein.

Es ist sicher nicht falsch, auch nach Abklingen der depressiven Beschwerden auf eine ausgewogene und gesunde Ernährung zu achten. Dabei spielt vor allem ein gleichmäßiger Blutzuckerspiegel durch regelmäßige Mahlzeiten ein Rolle, ebenso wie ein maßvoller Umgang mit Genussmitteln wie Kaffee, Nikotin und Alkohol dazu beitragen kann psychisch stabil zu bleiben.

Andere Hilfsmittel
Schlafentzug kann antidepressiv wirksam sein und wird in seltenen Fällen zum kurzfristigen Durchbrechen schwerer Depressionen im therapeutischen Rahmen eingesetzt (allerdings nicht bei einer manisch-depressiven Erkrankung). Die Methode basiert auf der Freisetzung von Serotonin durch die Fasern der hypnogenen Kerne der Raphe, die den Schlaf einleiten sollen.

Verschiedene epidemiologische Studien weisen darauf hin, dass sportlich aktive Personen ein geringeres Risiko haben als Inaktive, an einer Depression zu erkranken. Zur antidepressiven Wirkung von Sport bei bereits bestehender Depression existieren ebenfalls eine Reihe kontrollierter Studien, die mehrheitlich eindeutig für klinisch bedeutsame antidepressive Wirkungen von regelmäßigem körperlichem Training sprechen, egal ob Ausdauer- oder Krafttraining. Eine Form der unterstützenden therapeutischen Maßnahmen ist die Sporttherapie. Wenn Sport im gesellschaftlichen Zusammenhang stattfindet, erleichtert er eine Wiederaufnahme zwischenmenschlicher Kontakte. Ein weiterer Effekt der körperlichen Betätigung ist das gesteigerte Selbstwertgefühl und die Ausschüttung von Endorphinen.

Positive Effekte des Joggings bei Depressionen sind empirisch durch Studien nachgewiesen. 1976 wurde die erste Studie unter dem Titel „The joy of Running“ zu diesem Thema veröffentlicht.

Andere Hausmittel – wie Entspannungstechniken, kalte Güsse nach Sebastian Kneipp, Kaffee oder gar Schokolade – bieten an Depressionen Erkrankten keine Hilfe, sondern können höchstens Menschen mit leichten depressiven Verstimmungen Linderung verschaffen. Studien deuten darauf hin, dass Schokolade sogar Depressionen verschlimmern kann.
Meiner Ansicht nach, gibt es nur eine Lösung: Psychanalyse.

Psychology

25 septembre 2010

Psychology is the science and art of explaining and changing human mental processes and behaviors. Its immediate goal is to understand humanity by both discovering general principles and exploring specific cases, and its ultimate aim is to benefit society.In this field, a professional practitioner or researcher is called a psychologist, and is classified as a social or behavioral scientist. Psychologists attempt to understand the role of mental functions in individual and social behavior, while also exploring the physiological and neurological processes that underlie certain functions and behaviors.

Psychologists explore such concepts as perception, cognition, attention, emotion, motivation, brain functioning, personality, behavior, and interpersonal relationships. Some, especially depth psychologists, also consider the unconscious mind.a Psychologists employ empirical methods to infer causal and correlational relationships between psychosocial variables. In addition, or in opposition, to employing empirical and deductive methods, some—especially clinical and counseling psychologists—at times rely upon symbolic interpretation and other inductive techniques. Psychology incorporates research from the social sciences, natural sciences, and humanities.

While psychological knowledge is typically applied to the assessment and treatment of mental health problems, it is also applied to understanding and solving problems in many different spheres of human activity. Although the vast majority of psychologists are involved in clinical, counseling, and school positions, some are employed in industrial and organizational settings, and in other areas[8] such as human development and aging, sports, health, the media, law, and forensics.

Psychoanalysis

25 septembre 2010

Psychoanalysis (or Freudian psychology) is a body of ideas developed by Austrian physician Sigmund Freud and continued by others. It is primarily devoted to the study of human psychological functioning and behavior, although it can also be applied to societies. Psychoanalysis has three main components:

1.a method of investigation of the mind and the way one thinks;
2.a systematized set of theories about human behavior;
3.a method of treatment of psychological or emotional illness.
Under the broad umbrella of psychoanalysis, there are at least 22 theoretical orientations regarding human mentation and development. The various approaches in treatment called « psychoanalysis » vary as much as the theories do. The term also refers to a method of studying child development.

Freudian psychoanalysis refers to a specific type of treatment in which the « analysand » (analytic patient) verbalizes thoughts, including free associations, fantasies, and dreams, from which the analyst induces the unconscious conflicts causing the patient’s symptoms and character problems, and interprets them for the patient to create insight for resolution of the problems.

The specifics of the analyst’s interventions typically include confronting and clarifying the patient’s pathological defenses, wishes and guilt. Through the analysis of conflicts, including those contributing to resistance and those involving transference onto the analyst of distorted reactions, psychoanalytic treatment can clarify how patients unconsciously are their own worst enemies: how unconscious, symbolic reactions that have been stimulated by experience are causing symptoms.

The idea of psychoanalysis was developed in Vienna in the 1890s by Sigmund Freud, a neurologist interested in finding an effective treatment for patients with neurotic or hysterical symptoms. Freud had become aware of the existence of mental processes that were not conscious as a result of his neurological consulting job at the Children’s Hospital, where he noticed that many aphasic children had no organic cause for their symptoms. He wrote a monograph about this subject.[2] In the late 1880s, Freud obtained a grant to study with Jean-Martin Charcot, the famed neurologist and syphilologist, at the Salpêtrière in Paris. Charcot had become interested in patients who had symptoms that mimicked general paresis. Freud’s first theory to explain hysterical symptoms was the so-called « seduction theory ». Since his patients under treatment with this new method « remembered » incidents of having been sexually seduced in childhood, Freud believed that they had actually been abused only to later repress those memories. This led to his publication with Dr. Breuer in 1893 of case reports of the treatment of hysteria.[3] This first theory became untenable as an explanation of all incidents of hysteria. As a result of his work with his patients, Freud learned that the majority complained of sexual problems, especially coitus interruptus as birth control. He suspected their problems stemmed from cultural restrictions on sexual expression and that their sexual wishes and fantasies had been repressed. Between this discovery of the unexpressed sexual desires and the relief of the symptoms by abreaction, Freud began to theorize that the unconscious mind had determining effects on hysterical symptoms.

His first comprehensive attempt at an explanatory theory was the then unpublished Project for a Scientific Psychology in 1895.[4] In this work Freud attempted to develop a neurophysiologic theory based on transfer of energy by the neurons in the brain in order to explain unconscious mechanisms. He abandoned the project when he came to realize that there was a complicated psychological process involved over and above neuronal activity. By 1900, Freud had discovered that dreams had symbolic significance, and generally were specific to the dreamer. Freud formulated his second psychological theory— which postulates that the unconscious has or is a « primary process » consisting of symbolic and condensed thoughts, and a « secondary process » of logical, conscious thoughts. This theory was published in his 1900 opus magnum, The Interpretation of Dreams.[5]Chapter VII was a re-working of the earlier « Project » and Freud outlined his « Topographic Theory. » In this theory, which was mostly later supplanted by the Structural Theory, unacceptable sexual wishes were repressed into the « System Unconscious, » unconscious due to society’s condemnation of premarital sexual activity, and this repression created anxiety. Freud also discovered what most of us take for granted today: that dreams were symbolic and specific to the dreamer. Often, dreams give clues to unconscious conflicts, and for this reason, Freud referred to dreams as the « royal road to the Unconscious. »

This « topographic theory » is still popular in much of Europe, although it has been superseded in much of North America.[6] In 1905, Freud published Three Essays on the Theory of Sexualitin which he laid out his discovery of so-called psychosexual phases: oral (ages 0–2), anal (2-4), phallic-oedipal (today called 1st genital) (3-6), latency (6-puberty), and mature genital (puberty-onward). His early formulation included the idea that because of societal restrictions, sexual wishes were repressed into an unconscious state, and that the energy of these unconscious wishes could be turned into anxiety or physical symptoms. Therefore the early treatment techniques, including hypnotism and abreaction, were designed to make the unconscious conscious in order to relieve the pressure and the apparently resulting symptoms.

In On Narcissism (1915)[Freud turned his attention to the subject of narcissism. Still utilizing an energic system, Freud conceptualized the question of energy directed at the self versus energy directed at others, called cathexis. By 1917, In "Mourning and Melancholia," he suggested that certain depressions were caused by turning guilt-ridden anger on the self.[9] In 1919 in « A Child is Being Beaten » he began to address the problems of self-destructive behavior (moral masochism) and frank sexual masochism.[10] Based on his experience with depressed and self-destructive patients, and pondering the carnage of WWI, Freud became dissatisfied with considering only oral and sexual motivations for behavior. By 1920, Freud addressed the power of identification (with the leader and with other members) in groups as a motivation for behavior (Group Psychology and Analysis of the Ego).[11] In that same year (1920) Freud suggested his « dual drive » theory of sexuality and aggression in Beyond the Pleasure Principle, to try to begin to explain human destructiveness.[12]

In 1923, he presented his new « structural theory » of an id, ego, and superego in a book entitled, The Ego and the Id.[13] Therein, he revised the whole theory of mental functioning, now considering that repression was only one of many defense mechanisms, and that it occurred to reduce anxiety. Note that repression, for Freud, is both a cause of anxiety and a response to anxiety. In 1926, in Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety, Freud laid out how intrapsychic conflict among drive and superego (wishes and guilt) caused anxiety, and how that anxiety could lead to an inhibition of mental functions, such as intellect and speech.[14]. Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety was written in response to Otto Rank, who, in 1924, published Das Trauma der Geburt (translated into English in 1929 as The Trauma of Birth), exploring how art, myth, religion, philosophy and therapy were illuminated by separation anxiety in the « phase before the development of the Oedipus complex » (p. 216). But there was no such phase in Freud’s theories. The Oedipus complex, Freud explained tirelessly, was the nucleus of the neurosis and the foundational source of all art, myth, religion, philosophy, therapy—indeed of all human culture and civilization. It was the first time that anyone in the inner circle had dared to suggest that the Oedipus complex might not be the only factor contributing to intrapsychic development

By 1936, the « Principle of Multiple Function » was clarified by Robert Waelder.[15] He widened the formulation that psychological symptoms were caused by and relieved conflict simultaneously. Moreover, symptoms (such as phobias and compulsions) each represented elements of some drive wish (sexual and/or aggressive), superego (guilt), anxiety, reality, and defenses. Also in 1936, Anna Freud, Sigmund’s famous daughter, published her seminal book, The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense, outlining numerous ways the mind could shut upsetting things out of consciousness.[16]

[edit] 1940s-2000s
Following the death of Freud, a new group of psychoanalysts began to explore the function of the ego. Led by Hartmann, Kris, Rappaport and Lowenstein, the group built upon understandings of the synthetic function of the ego as a mediator in psychic functioning. Hartmann in particular distinguished between autonomous ego functions (such as memory and intellect which could be secondarily affected by conflict) and synthetic functions which were a result of compromise formation. These « Ego Psychologists » of the ’50s paved a way to focus analytic work by attending to the defenses (mediated by the ego) before exploring the deeper roots to the unconscious conflicts. In addition there was burgeoning interest in child psychoanalysis. Although criticized since its inception, psychoanalysis has been used as a research tool into childhood development,[17] and has is still used to treat certain mental disturbances.[18] In the 1960s, Freud’s early thoughts on the childhood development of female sexuality were challenged; this challenge led to the development of a variety of understandings of female sexual development, many of which modified the timing and normality of several of Freud’s theories (which had been gleaned from the treatment of women with mental disturbances). Several researchers[19] followed Karen Horney’s studies of societal pressures that influence the development of women. Most contemporary North American psychoanalysts employ theories that, while based on those of Sigmund Freud, include many modifications of theory and practice developed since his death in 1939.

In the 2000s there are approximately 35 training institutes for psychoanalysis in the United States accredited by the American Psychoanalytic Association [4][20] which is a component organization of the International Psychoanalytical Association, and there are over 3,000 graduated psychoanalysts practicing in the United States. The International Psychoanalytical Association accredits psychoanalytic training centers throughout the rest of the world, including countries such as Serbia, France, Germany, Austria, Italy, Switzerland, and many others, as well as about six institutes directly in the U.S. Freud published a paper entitled The History of the Psychoanalytic Movement in 1914, German original being first published in the Jahrbuch der Psychoanalyse.[21]

[edit] Theories
The predominant psychoanalytic theories can be grouped into several theoretical « schools. » Although these theoretical « schools » differ, most of them continue to stress the strong influence of unconscious elements affecting people’s mental lives. There has also been considerable work done on consolidating elements of conflicting theory (cf. the work of Theodore Dorpat, B. Killingmo, and S. Akhtar). As in all fields of healthcare, there are some persistent conflicts regarding specific causes of some syndromes, and disputes regarding the best treatment techniques. In the 2000s, psychoanalytic ideas are embedded in Western culture, especially in fields such as childcare, education, literary criticism, cultural studies, and mental health, particularly psychotherapy. Though there is a mainstream of evolved analytic ideas, there are groups who follow the precepts of one or more of the later theoreticians. Psychoanalytic ideas also play roles in some types of literary analysis such as Archetypal literary criticism.

[edit] Topographic theory
Topographic theory was first described by Freud in « The Interpretation of Dreams » (1900)[22][23] The theory posits that the mental apparatus can be divided in to the systems Conscious, Pre-conscious and Unconscious. These systems are not anatomical structures of the brain but, rather, mental processes. Although Freud retained this theory throughout his life he largely replaced it with the Structural theory. The Topographic theory remains as one of the metapsychological points of view for describing how the mind functions in classical psychoanalytic theory.

[edit] Structural theory
Structural theory divides the psyche into the id, the ego, and the super-ego. The id is present at birth as the repository of basic instincts, which Freud called « Triebe » (« drives »): unorganised and unconscious, it operates merely on the ‘pleasure principle’, without realism or foresight. The ego develops slowly and gradually, being concerned with mediating between the urgings of the id and the realities of the external world; it thus operates on the ‘reality principle’. The super-ego is held to be the part of the ego in which self-observation, self-criticism and other reflective and judgemental faculties develop. The ego and the super-ego are both partly conscious and partly unconscious.

[edit] Ego psychology
Ego psychology was initially suggested by Freud in Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety (1926). The theory was refined by Hartmann, Loewenstein, and Kris in a series of papers and books from 1939 through the late 1960s. Leo Bellak was a later contributor. This series of constructs, paralleling some of the later developments of cognitive theory, includes the notions of autonomous ego functions: mental functions not dependent, at least in origin, on intrapsychic conflict. Such functions include: sensory perception, motor control, symbolic thought, logical thought, speech, abstraction, integration (synthesis), orientation, concentration, judgment about danger, reality testing, adaptive ability, executive decision-making, hygiene, and self-preservation. Freud noted that inhibition is one method that the mind may utilize to interfere with any of these functions in order to avoid painful emotions. Hartmann (1950s) pointed out that there may be delays or deficits in such functions.

Frosch (1964) described differences in those people who demonstrated damage to their relationship to reality, but who seemed able to test it. Deficits in the capacity to organize thought are sometimes referred to as blocking or loose associations (Bleuler), and are characteristic of the schizophrenias. Deficits in abstraction ability and self-preservation also suggest psychosis in adults. Deficits in orientation and sensorium are often indicative of a medical illness affecting the brain (and therefore, autonomous ego functions). Deficits in certain ego functions are routinely found in severely sexually or physically abused children, where powerful effects generated throughout childhood seem to have eroded some functional development.

Ego strengths, later described by Kernberg (1975), include the capacities to control oral, sexual, and destructive impulses; to tolerate painful affects without falling apart; and to prevent the eruption into consciousness of bizarre symbolic fantasy. Synthetic functions, in contrast to autonomous functions, arise from the development of the ego and serve the purpose of managing conflictual processes. Defenses are synthetic functions that protect the conscious mind from awareness of forbidden impulses and thoughts. One purpose of ego psychology has been to emphasize that some mental functions can be considered to be basic, rather than derivatives of wishes, affects, or defenses. However, autonomous ego functions can be secondarily affected because of unconscious conflict. For example, a patient may have an hysterical amnesia (memory being an autonomous function) because of intrapsychic conflict (wishing not to remember because it is too painful).

Taken together, the above theories present a group of metapsychological assumptions. Therefore, the inclusive group of the different classical theories provides a cross-sectional view of human mentation. There are six « points of view », five described by Freud and a sixth added by Hartmann. Unconscious processes can therefore be evaluated from each of these six points of view. The « points of view » are: 1. Topographic 2. Dynamic (the theory of conflict) 3. Economic (the theory of energy flow) 4. Structural 5. Genetic (propositions concerning origin and development of psychological functions) and 6. Adaptational (psychological phenomena as it relates to the external world).[24]

[edit] Modern conflict theory
A variation of ego psychology, termed « modern conflict theory », is more broadly an update and revision of structural theory (Freud, 1923, 1926); it does away with some of structural theory’s more arcane features, such as where repressed thoughts are stored. Modern conflict theory looks at how emotional symptoms and character traits are complex solutions to mental conflict.[25] It dispenses with the concepts of a fixed id, ego and superego, and instead posits conscious and unconscious conflict among wishes (dependent, controlling, sexual, and aggressive), guilt and shame, emotions (especially anxiety and depressive affect), and defensive operations that shut off from consciousness some aspect of the others. Moreover, healthy functioning (adaptive) is also determined, to a great extent, by resolutions of conflict.

A major objective of modern conflict-theory psychoanalysis is to change the balance of conflict in a patient by making aspects of the less adaptive solutions (also called « compromise formations ») conscious so that they can be rethought, and more adaptive solutions found. Current theoreticians following Brenner’s many suggestions (see especially Brenner’s 1982 book, The Mind in Conflict) include Sandor Abend, MD (Abend, Porder, & Willick, (1983), Borderline Patients: Clinical Perspectives), Jacob Arlow (Arlow and Brenner (1964), Psychoanalytic Concepts and the Structural Theory), and Jerome Blackman (2003), 101 Defenses: How the Mind Shields Itself).

[edit] Object relations theory
Object relations theory attempts to explain vicissitudes of human relationships through a study of how internal representations of self and of others are structured. The clinical symptoms that suggest object relations problems (typically developmental delays throughout life) include disturbances in an individual’s capacity to feel warmth, empathy, trust, sense of security, identity stability, consistent emotional closeness, and stability in relationships with chosen other human beings. (It is not suggested that one should trust everyone, for example). Concepts regarding internal representations (also sometimes termed, « introjects, » « self and object representations, » or « internalizations of self and other ») although often attributed to Melanie Klein, were actually first mentioned by Sigmund Freud in his early concepts of drive theory (1905, Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality). Freud’s 1917 paper « Mourning and Melancholia », for example, hypothesized that unresolved grief was caused by the survivor’s internalized image of the deceased becoming fused with that of the survivor, and then the survivor shifting unacceptable anger toward the deceased onto the now complex self image.

Vamik Volkan, in « Linking Objects and Linking Phenomena, » expanded on Freud’s thoughts on this, describing the syndromes of « Established pathological mourning » vs. « reactive depression » based on similar dynamics. Melanie Klein’s hypotheses regarding internalizations during the first year of life, leading to paranoid and depressive positions, were later challenged by Rene Spitz (e.g., The First Year of Life, 1965), who divided the first year of life into a coenesthetic phase of the first six months, and then a diacritic phase for the second six months. Margaret Mahler (Mahler, Fine, and Bergman (1975), « The Psychological Birth of the Human Infant ») and her group, first in New York, then in Philadelphia, described distinct phases and subphases of child development leading to « separation-individuation » during the first three years of life, stressing the importance of constancy of parental figures, in the face of the child’s destructive aggression, to the child’s internalizations, stability of affect management, and ability to develop healthy autonomy.

Later developers of the theory of self and object constancy as it affects adult psychiatric problems such as psychosis and borderline states have been John Frosch, Otto Kernberg, and Salman Akhtar. Peter Blos described (1960, in a book called On Adolescence) how similar separation-individuation struggles occur during adolescence, of course with a different outcome from the first three years of life: the teen usually, eventually, leaves the parents’ house (this varies with the culture). During adolescence, Erik Erikson (1950–1960s) described the « identity crisis, » that involves identity-diffusion anxiety. In order for an adult to be able to experience « Warm-ETHICS » (warmth, empathy, trust, holding environment (Winnicott), identity, closeness, and stability) in relationships (see Blackman (2003), 101 Defenses: How the Mind Shields Itself), the teenager must resolve the problems with identity and redevelop self and object constancy.

[edit] Self psychology
Self psychology emphasizes the development of a stable and integrated sense of self through empathic contacts with other humans, primary significant others conceived of as « selfobjects. » Selfobjects meet the developing self’s needs for mirroring, idealization, and twinship, and thereby strengthen the developing self. The process of treatment proceeds through « transmuting internalizations » in which the patient gradually internalizes the selfobject functions provided by the therapist. Self psychology was proposed originally by Heinz Kohut, and has been further developed by Arnold Goldberg, Frank Lachmann, Paul and Anna Ornstein, Marian Tolpin, and others.

[edit] Jacques Lacan/Lacanian psychoanalysis
Lacanian psychoanalysis integrates psychoanalysis with semiotics and Hegelian philosophy, and is practiced throughout the world. It is especially popular in France and Latin America. Lacanian psychoanalysis is a departure from the traditional British and American psychoanalysis, which is predominantly Ego psychology. Lacan frequently used the phrase « retourner à Freud » in his seminars and writings meaning « back to Freud » as he claimed that his theories were an extension of Freud’s own, contrary to those of Anna Freud, the Ego Psychology, object relations and « self » theories and also claims the necessity of reading Freud’s complete works, not only a part of them. Lacan’s first major contributions concern the « mirror stage », the Real, the Imaginary and the Symbolic, and the claim that « the unconscious is structured as a language

Though a major influence on psychoanalysis in France and parts of Latin America, Lacan and his ideas have had little to no impact on psychoanalysis or psychotherapy in the English-speaking world.[27]
]Interpersonal psychoanalysis
Interpersonal psychoanalysis accents the nuances of interpersonal interactions, particularly how individuals protect themselves from anxiety by establishing collusive interactions with others, and the relevance of actual experiences with other persons developmentally (e.g. family and peers) as well as in the present. This is contrasted with the primacy of intrapsychic forces, as in classical psychoanalysis. Interpersonal theory was first introduced by Harry Stack Sullivan, MD, and developed further by Frieda Fromm-Reichmann, Clara Thompson, Erich Fromm, and others who contributed to the founding of the William Alanson White Institute and Interpersonal Psychoanalysis in general.

Culturalist psychoanalysts
Main article: Culturalist psychoanalysts
Some psychoanalysts have been labeled culturalist, because of the prominence they gave on culture for the genesis of behavior.[28] Among others, Erich Fromm, Karen Horney, Harry Stack Sullivan, have been called culturalist psychoanalysts.[28] They were famously in conflict with orthodox psychoanalysts.[29]

[edit] Relational psychoanalysis
Relational psychoanalysis combines interpersonal psychoanalysis with object-relations theory and with Inter-subjective theory as critical for mental health, was introduced by Stephen Mitchell.[30] Relational psychoanalysis emphasizes how the individual’s personality is shaped by both real and imagined relationships with others, and how these relationship patterns are re-enacted in the interactions between analyst and patient. Fonagy and Target, in London, have propounded their view of the necessity of helping certain detached, isolated patients, develop the capacity for « mentalization » associated with thinking about relationships and themselves.

[edit] Interpersonal-Relational psychoanalysis
The term interpersonal-relational psychoanalysis is often used as a professional identification. Psychoanalysts under this broader umbrella debate about what precisely are the differences between the two schools, without any current clear consensus.

[edit] Intersubjective psychoanalysis
The term « intersubjectivity » was introduced in psychoanalysis by George E. Atwood and Robert Stolorow (1984). Intersubjective approaches emphasize how both personality development and the therapeutic process are influenced by the interrelationship between the patient’s subjective perspective and that of others. The authors of the interpersonal-relational and intersubjective approaches: Otto Rank, Heinz Kohut, Stephen A. Mitchell, Jessica Benjamin, Bernard Brandchaft, J. Fosshage, Donna M.Orange, Arnold « Arnie » Mindell, Thomas Ogden, Owen Renik, Irwin Z. Hoffman, Harold Searles, Colwyn Trewarthen, Edgar A. Levenson, Jay R. Greenberg, Edward R. Ritvo, Beatrice Beebe, Frank M. Lachmann, Herbert Rosenfeld and Daniel Stern.

[edit] Modern psychoanalysis
« Modern psychoanalysis » is a term coined by Hyman Spotnitz and his colleagues to describe a body of theoretical and clinical work undertaken from the 1950s onwards, with the aim of extending Freud’s theories so as to make them applicable to the full spectrum of emotional disorders. Interventions based on this approach are primarily intended to provide an emotional-maturational communication to the patient, rather than to promote intellectual insight.

[edit] Micropsychoanalysis
Micropsychoanalysis has, as Freudian psychoanalysis, the free association technique as its cornerstone. However, micropsychoanalysis complements the practice of classic Freudian psychoanalysis and supplements and enriches some theoretical concepts developed by Freud.[31] The main distintive characteristics of micropsychoanalysis are: average duration of sessions three hours, the rate of sessions is at least five per week and the study of memorabilia belonging to the analysand: personal and family pictures, [32] the making of the analysand’s Genealogical tree, the drawings of childhood houses and the study of family and love letters. The aim of these technical innovations is to facilitate the labour of free association and the establishment of a bridge with reality.[33] A micropsychoanalysis can be completed in about one year if working uninterruptedly or in about three years if working in installments of 6–9 weeks every year.[34] In the theoretical aspect, Fanti reworked the Freudian metapsychology by introducing the concepts of energy and void.[35] He also introduced the idea of the existence of different levels in the structures of the psyche put forward by Freud. For example, the unconscious and preconscious-conscious systems would comprise different levels of internal structure. According to the micropsychoanalytical model, instincts (trieb) surge from the energy, specifically from the tensional difference between energy and void.[36] A basic form of micropsychoanalysis was first conceived in the 1950s by Swiss psychiatrist Silvio Fanti [37][38] and developed systematically by himself and his collaborators, Pierre Codoni and Daniel Lysek, from the 1970s. Micropsychoanalysis is popular in France, Switzerland and Italy.

[edit] Psychopathology (mental disturbances)
[edit] Adult patients
The various psychoses involve deficits in the autonomous ego functions (see above) of integration (organization) of thought, in abstraction ability, in relationship to reality and in reality testing. In depressions with psychotic features, the self-preservation function may also be damaged (sometimes by overwhelming depressive affect). Because of the integrative deficits (often causing what general psychiatrists call « loose associations, » « blocking, » « flight of ideas, » « verbigeration, » and « thought withdrawal »), the development of self and object representations is also impaired. Clinically, therefore, psychotic individuals manifest limitations in warmth, empathy, trust, identity, closeness and/or stability in relationships (due to problems with self-object fusion anxiety) as well.

In patients whose autonomous ego functions are more intact, but who still show problems with object relations, the diagnosis often falls into the category known as « borderline. » Borderline patients also show deficits, often in controlling impulses, affects, or fantasies – but their ability to test reality remains more or less intact. Adults who do not experience guilt and shame, and who indulge in criminal behavior, are usually diagnosed as psychopaths, or, using DSM-IV-TR, antisocial personality disorder.

Panic, phobias, conversions, obsessions, compulsions and depressions (analysts call these « neurotic symptoms ») are not usually caused by deficits in functions. Instead, they are caused by intrapsychic conflicts. The conflicts are generally among sexual and hostile-aggressive wishes, guilt and shame, and reality factors. The conflicts may be conscious or unconscious, but create anxiety, depressive affect, and anger. Finally, the various elements are managed by defensive operations – essentially shut-off brain mechanisms that make people unaware of that element of conflict. « Repression » is the term given to the mechanism that shuts thoughts out of consciousness. « Isolation of affect » is the term used for the mechanism that shuts sensations out of consciousness. Neurotic symptoms may occur with or without deficits in ego functions, object relations, and ego strengths. Therefore, it is not uncommon to encounter obsessive-compulsive schizophrenics, panic patients who also suffer with borderline personality disorder, etc.

This section above is partial to ego psychoanalytic theory « autonomous ego functions. » As the « autonomous ego functions » theory is only a theory, it may yet be proven incorrect.

[edit] Childhood origins
Freudian theories point out that adult problems can be traced to unresolved conflicts from certain phases of childhood and adolescence. Freud, based on the data gathered from his patients early in his career, suspected that neurotic disturbances occurred when children were sexually abused in childhood (the so-called seduction theory). Later, Freud came to believe that, although child abuse occurs, not all neurotic symptoms were associated with this. He realized that neurotic people often had unconscious conflicts that involved incestuous fantasies deriving from different stages of development. He found the stage from about three to six years of age (preschool years, today called the « first genital stage ») to be filled with fantasies of having romantic relationships with both parents. Although arguments were generated in early 20th-century Vienna about whether adult seduction of children was the basis of neurotic illness, there is virtually no argument about this problem in the 21st century.

Many psychoanalysts who work with children have studied the actual effects of child abuse, which include ego and object relations deficits and severe neurotic conflicts. Much research has been done on these types of trauma in childhood, and the adult sequelae of those. On the other hand, many adults with symptom neuroses and character pathology have no history of childhood sexual or physical abuse. In studying the childhood factors that start neurotic symptom development, Freud found a constellation of factors that, for literary reasons, he termed the Oedipus complex (based on the play by Sophocles, Oedipus Rex, where the protagonist unwittingly kills his father Laius and marries his mother Jocasta). The shorthand term, « oedipal, » (later explicated by Joseph Sandler in « On the Concept Superego » (1960) and modified by Charles Brenner in « The Mind in Conflict » (1982)) refers to the powerful attachments that children make to their parents in the preschool years. These attachments involve fantasies of sexual relationships with either (or both) parent, and, therefore, competitive fantasies toward either (or both) parents. Humberto Nagera (1975) has been particularly helpful in clarifying many of the complexities of the child through these years.

The terms « positive » and « negative » oedipal conflicts have been attached to the heterosexual and homosexual aspects, respectively. Both seem to occur in development of most children. Eventually, the developing child’s concessions to reality (that they will neither marry one parent nor eliminate the other) lead to identifications with parental values. These identifications generally create a new set of mental operations regarding values and guilt, subsumed under the term « superego. » Besides superego development, children « resolve » their preschool oedipal conflicts through channeling wishes into something their parents approve of (« sublimation ») and the development, during the school-age years (« latency ») of age-appropriate obsessive-compulsive defensive maneuvers (rules, repetitive games).

[edit] Treatment
Using the various analytic theories to assess mental problems, several particular constellations of problems are particularly suited for analytic techniques (see below) whereas other problems respond better to medicines and different interpersonal interventions. To be treated with psychoanalysis, whatever the presenting problem, the person requesting help must demonstrate a desire to start an analysis. The person wishing to start an analysis must have some capacity for speech and communication. As well, they need to be able to have trust and empathy within the psychoanalytic session. Potential patients must undergo a preliminary stage of treatment to assess their amenability to psychoanalysis, at that time, and also to enable the analyst to form a working psychological model which the analyst will use to direct the treatment. Psychoanalysts mainly work with neurosis and hysteria in particular, however adapted forms of psychoanalysis are used in working with schizophrenia and other forms of psychosis. Finally, if a prospective patient is severely suicidal a longer preliminary stage may be employed, sometimes with sessions which have a twenty minute break in the middle. There are modifications of techniques due to the radically individualistic nature of each person’s analysis.

The most common problems treatable with psychoanalysis include: phobias, conversions, compulsions, obsessions, anxiety attacks, depressions, sexual dysfunctions, a wide variety of relationship problems (such as dating and marital strife), and a wide variety of character problems (for example, painful shyness, meanness, obnoxiousness, workaholism, hyperseductiveness, hyperemotionality, hyperfastidiousness). The fact that many of such patients also demonstrate deficits above makes diagnosis and treatment selection difficult.

Analytical organizations such as the International Psychoanalytic Association,[39] The American Psychoanalytic Association,[40] and the European Federation for Psychoanalytic Psychotherapy,[41] have established procedures and models for the indication and practice of psychoanalytical therapy for trainees in analysis. The match between the analyst and the patient can be viewed as another contributing factor for the indication and contraindication for psychoanalytic treatment. The analyst decides whether the patient is suitable for psychoanalysis. This decision made by the analyst, besides made on the usual indications and pathology, is also based to a certain degree by the « fit » between analyst and patient. A person’s suitability for analysis at any particular time is based on their desire to know something about where their illness has come from. Someone who is not suitable for analysis expresses no desire to know more about the root causes of their illness. An evaluation may include one or more other analysts’ independent opinions and will include discussion of the patient’s financial situation and insurances.

[edit] Techniques
The basic method of psychoanalysis is interpretation of the patient’s unconscious conflicts that are interfering with current-day functioning – conflicts that are causing painful symptoms such as phobias, anxiety, depression, and compulsions. Strachey (1936) stressed that figuring out ways the patient distorted perceptions about the analyst led to understanding what may have been forgotten (also see Freud’s paper « Repeating, Remembering, and Working Through »). In particular, unconscious hostile feelings toward the analyst could be found in symbolic, negative reactions to what Robert Langs later called the « frame » of the therapy – the setup that included times of the sessions, payment of fees, and necessity of talking. In patients who made mistakes, forgot, or showed other peculiarities regarding time, fees, and talking, the analyst can usually find various unconscious « resistances » to the flow of thoughts (sometimes called free association).

Freud’s patients would lie on this couch during psychoanalysisWhen the patient reclines on a couch with the analyst out of view, the patient tends to remember more, experience more resistance and transference, and be able to reorganize thoughts after the development of insight – through the interpretive work of the analyst. Although fantasy life can be understood through the examination of dreams, masturbation fantasies (cf. Marcus, I. and Francis, J. (1975), Masturbation from Infancy to Senescence) are also important. The analyst is interested in how the patient reacts to and avoids such fantasies (cf. Paul Gray (1994), The Ego and the Analysis of Defense).[42] Various memories of early life are generally distorted – Freud called them « screen memories » – and in any case, very early experiences (before age two) – can not be remembered (See the child studies of Eleanor Galenson on « evocative memory »).

[edit] Variations in technique
There is what is known among psychoanalysts as « classical technique, » although Freud throughout his writings deviated from this considerably, depending on the problems of any given patient. Classical technique was summarized by Allan Compton, MD, as comprising instructions (telling the patient to try to say what’s on their mind, including interferences); exploration (asking questions); and clarification (rephrasing and summarizing what the patient has been describing). As well, the analyst can also use confrontation to bringing an aspect of functioning, usually a defense, to the patient’s attention. The analyst then uses a variety of interpretation methods, such as dynamic interpretation (explaining how being too nice guards against guilt, e.g. – defense vs. affect); genetic interpretation (explaining how a past event is influencing the present); resistance interpretation (showing the patient how they are avoiding their problems); transference interpretation (showing the patient ways old conflicts arise in current relationships, including that with the analyst); or dream interpretation (obtaining the patient’s thoughts about their dreams and connecting this with their current problems). Analysts can also use reconstruction to estimate what may have happened in the past that created some current issue.

These techniques are primarily based on conflict theory (see above). As object relations theory evolved, grass supplemented by the work of Bowlby, Ainsorth, and Beebe, techniques with patients who had more severe problems with basic trust (Erikson, 1950) and a history of maternal deprivation (see the works of Augusta Alpert) led to new techniques with adults. These have sometimes been called interpersonal, intersubjective (cf. Stolorow), relational, or corrective object relations techniques. These techniques include expressing an empathic attunement to the patient or warmth; exposing a bit of the analyst’s personal life or attitudes to the patient; allowing the patient autonomy in the form of disagreement with the analyst (cf. I.H. Paul, Letters to Simon.); and explaining the motivations of others which the patient misperceives. Ego psychological concepts of deficit in functioning led to refinements in supportive therapy. These techniques are particularly applicable to psychotic and near-psychotic (cf., Eric Marcus, « Psychosis and Near-psychosis ») patients. These supportive therapy techniques include discussions of reality; encouragement to stay alive (including hospitalization); psychotropic medicines to relieve overwhelming depressive affect or overwhelming fantasies (hallucinations and delusions); and advice about the meanings of things (to counter abstraction failures).

The notion of the « silent analyst » has been criticized. Actually, the analyst listens using Arlow’s approach as set out in « The Genesis of Interpretation »), using active intervention to interpret resistances, defenses creating pathology, and fantasies. Silence is not a technique of psychoanalysis (also see the studies and opinion papers of Owen Renik, MD). « Analytic Neutrality » is a concept that does not mean the analyst is silent. It refers to the analyst’s position of not taking sides in the internal struggles of the patient. For example, if a patient feels guilty, the analyst might explore what the patient has been doing or thinking that causes the guilt, but not reassure the patient not to feel guilty. The analyst might also explore the identifications with parents and others that led to the guilt.

Interpersonal-Relational psychoanalysts emphasize the notion that it is impossible to be neutral. Sullivan introduced the term « participant-observer » to indicate the analyst inevitably interacts with the analysand, and suggested the detailed inquiry as an alternative to interpretation. The detailed inquiry involves noting where the analysand is leaving out important elements of an account and noting when the story is obfuscated, and asking careful questions to open up the dialogue.

[edit] Group therapy and play therapy
Although single-client sessions remain the norm, psychoanalytic theory has been used to develop other types of psychological treatment. Psychoanalytic group therapy was pioneered by Trigant Burrow, Joseph Pratt, Paul F. Schilder, Samuel R. Slavson, Harry Stack Sullivan, and Wolfe. Child-centered counseling for parents was instituted early in analytic history by Freud, and was later further developed by Irwin Marcus, Edith Schulhofer, and Gilbert Kliman. Psychoanalytically based couples therapy has been promulgated and explicated by Fred Sander, MD. Techniques and tools developed in the 2000s have made psychoanalysis available to patients who were not treatable by earlier techniques. This meant that the analytic situation was modified so that it would be more suitable and more likely to be helpful for these patients. M.N. Eagle (2007) believes that psychoanalysis cannot be a self-contained discipline but instead must be open to influence from and integration with findings and theory from other disciplines.[43]

Psychoanalytic constructs have been adapted for use with children with treatments such as play therapy, art therapy, and storytelling. Throughout her career, from the 1920s through the 1970s, Anna Freud adapted psychoanalysis for children through play. This is still used today for children, especially those who are preadolescent (see Leon Hoffman, New York Psychoanalytic Institute Center for Children). Using toys and games, children are able to demonstrate, symbolically, their fears, fantasies, and defenses; although not identical, this technique, in children, is analogous to the aim of free association in adults. Psychoanalytic play therapy allows the child and analyst to understand children’s conflicts, particularly defenses such as disobedience and withdrawal, that have been guarding against various unpleasant feelings and hostile wishes. In art therapy, the counselor may have a child draw a portrait and then tell a story about the portrait. The counselor watches for recurring themes—regardless of whether it is with art or toys.

[edit] Cultural variations
Psychoanalysis can be adapted to different cultures, as long as the therapist or counseling understands the client’s culture. For example, Tori and Blimes found that defense mechanisms were valid in a normative sample of 2,624 Thais. The use of certain defense mechanisms was related to cultural values. For example Thais value calmness and collectiveness (because of Buddhist beliefs), so they were low on regressive emotionality. Psychoanalysis also applies because Freud used techniques that allowed him to get the subjective perceptions of his patients. He takes an objective approach by not facing his clients during his talk therapy sessions. He met with his patients wherever they were, such as when he used free association — where clients would say whatever came to mind without self-censorship. His treatments had little to no structure for most cultures, especially Asian cultures. Therefore, it is more likely that Freudian constructs will be used in structured therapy (Thompson, et al., 2004). In addition, Corey postulates that it will be necessary for a therapist to help clients develop a cultural identity as well as an ego identity.

[edit] Cost and length of treatment
The cost to the patient of psychoanalytic treatment ranges widely from place to place and between practitioners. Low-fee analysis is often available in a psychoanalytic training clinic and graduate schools. Otherwise, the fee set by each analyst varies with the analyst’s training and experience. Since, in most locations in the United States, unlike in Ontario and Germany, classical analysis (which usually requires sessions three to five times per week) is not covered by health insurance, many analysts may negotiate their fees with patients whom they feel they can help, but who have financial difficulties. The modifications of analysis, which include dynamic therapy, brief therapies, and certain types of group therapy (cf. Slavson, S. R., A Textbook in Analytic Group Therapy), are carried out on a less frequent basis – usually once, twice, or three times a week – and usually the patient sits facing the therapist.

Many studies have also been done on briefer « dynamic » treatments; these are more expedient to measure, and shed light on the therapeutic process to some extent. Brief Relational Therapy (BRT), Brief Psychodynamic Therapy (BPT), and Time-Limited Dynamic Therapy (TLDP) limit treatment to 20-30 sessions. On average, classical analysis may last 5.7 years, but for phobias and depressions uncomplicated by ego deficits or object relations deficits, analysis may run for a shorter period of time. Longer analyses are indicated for those with more serious disturbances in object relations, more symptoms, and more ingrained character pathology (such as obnoxiousness, severe passivity, or heinous procrastination).

[edit] Training and research
Psychoanalytic training in the United States, in most locations, involves personal analytic treatment for the trainee, conducted confidentially, with no report to the Education Committee of the Analytic Training Institute; approximately 600 hours of class instruction, with a standard curriculum, over a four-year period. Classes are often a few hours per week, or for a full day or two every other weekend during the academic year; this varies with the institute; and supervision once per week, with a senior analyst, on each analytic treatment case the trainee has. The minimum number of cases varies between institutes, often two to four cases. Male and female cases are required. Supervision must go on for at least a few years on one or more cases. Supervision is done in the supervisor’s office, where the trainee presents material from the analytic work that week, examines the unconscious conflicts with the supervisor, and learns, discusses, and is advised about technique.

Many psychoanalytic Training Centers in the United States have been accredited by special committees of the American Psychoanalytic Association[44] or the International Psychoanalytical Association. Because of theoretical differences, other independent institutes arose, usually founded by psychologists, who until 1987 were not permitted access to psychoanalytic training institutes of the American Psychoanalytic Association. Currently there are between seventy-five and one hundred independent institutes in the United States. As well, other institutes are affiliated to other organizations such as the American Academy of Psychoanalysis and Dynamic Psychiatry, and the National Association for the Advancement of Psychoanalysis. At most psychoanalytic institutes in the United States, qualifications for entry include a terminal degree in a mental health field, such as Ph.D., Psy.D., M.S.W., or M.D. A few institutes restrict applicants to those already holding an M.D. or Ph.D., and most institutes in Southern California confer a Ph.D. or Psy.D. in psychoanalysis upon graduation, which involves completion of the necessary requirements for the state boards that confer that doctoral degree.The first training institute in America to educate non-medical psychoanalysts was The National Psychological Association for Psychoanalysis., (1978) in New York City. It was founded by the world famous analyst Theodor Reik.

Some psychoanalytic training has been set up as a post-doctoral fellowship in university settings, such as at Duke University, Yale University, New York University, Adelphi University, and Columbia University. Other psychoanalytic institutes may not be directly associated with universities, but the faculty at those institutes usually hold contemporaneous faculty positions with psychology Ph.D. programs and/or with Medical School psychiatry residency programs.

The International Psychoanalytical Association (IPA) is the world’s primary accrediting and regulatory body for psychoanalysis. Their mission is to assure the continued vigour and development of psychoanalysis for the benefit of psychoanalytic patients. It works in partnership with its 70 constituent organizations in 33 countries to support 11,500 members. In the US, there are 77 psychoanalytical organizations, institutes associations in the United States, which are spread across the states of America. The American Psychoanalytic Association (APSaA) has 38 affiliated societies, which have ten or more active members who practice in a given geographical area. The aims of the APSaA and other psychoanalytical organizations are: provide ongoing educational opportunities for its members, stimulate the development and research of psychoanalysis, provide training and organize conferences. There are eight affiliated study groups in the USA (two of them are in Latin America). A study group is the first level of integration of a psychoanalytical body within the International Psychoanalytic Association (IPA), followed by a provisional society and finally a member society.

The Division of Psychoanalysis (39) of the American Psychological Association (APA) was established in the early 1980s by several psychologists. Until the establishment of the Division of Psychoanalysis, psychologists who had trained in independent institutes had no national organization. The Division of Psychoanalysis now has approximately 4,000 members and approximately thirty local chapters in the United States. The Division of Psychoanalysis holds two annual meetings/conferences and offers continuing education in theory, research and clinical technique, as do their affiliated local chapters. The European Psychoanalytical Federation (EPF) is the scientific organization that consolidates all European psychoanalytic societies. This organization is affiliated with the IPA. In 2002 there were approximately 3900 individual members in twenty-two countries, speaking eighteen different languages. There are also twenty-five psychoanalytic societies.

The National Membership Committee for Psychoanalysis in Clinical Social Work was also started in the mid-eighties to represent social work psychoanalysts. Founded by Crayton Rowe, MSW it included in its membership Rueben and Gertrude Blanck who were well known ego psychologists. Other notable members are Joyce Edward, Jean Sanville and Diana Siskind. Recently, NMCOP changed its name to the American Association of Psychoanalysis in Clinical Social Work (AAPCSW). The organization holds a bi-annual national conferences as well as numerous annual state and area meetings in 16 area chapters. These conferences provide sessions on theory, technique and research.

[edit] Psychoanalysis in Britain
The London Psychoanalytical Society was founded by Ernest Jones on 30 October 1913. With the expansion of psychoanalysis in the United Kingdom the Society was renamed the British Psychoanalytical Society in 1919. Soon after, the Institute of Psychoanalysis was established to administer the Society’s activities. These include: the training of psychoanalysts, the development of the theory and practice of psychoanalysis, the provision of treatment through The London Clinic of Psychoanalysis, the publication of books in The New Library of Psychoanalysis and Psychoanalytic Ideas. The Institute of Psychoanalysis also publishes The International Journal of Psychoanalysis, maintains a library, furthers research, and holds public lectures. The Society has a Code of Ethics and an Ethical Committee. The Society, the Institute and the Clinic are all located at Byron House.

The Society is a component of the International Psychoanalytical Association, a body with members on all five continents that safeguards professional and ethical practice. The Society is a member of the British Psychoanalytic Council (BPC); the BPC publishes a register of British psychoanalysts and psychoanalytical psychotherapists. All members of the British Psychoanalytical Society are required to undertake continuing professional development.

Through its work – and the work of its individual members – the British Psychoanalytical Society has made an unrivalled contribution the understanding and treatment of mental illness. Members of the Society have included Michael Balint, Wilfred Bion, John Bowlby, Anna Freud, Melanie Klein, Joseph Sandler, and Donald Winnicott.

The Institute of Psychoanalysis is the foremost publisher of psychoanalytic literature. The 24-volume Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud was conceived, translated, and produced under the direction of the British Psychoanalytical Society. The Society, in conjunction with Random House, will soon publish a new, revised and expanded Standard Edition. With [The New Library of Psychoanalysis] the Institute continues to publish the books of leading theorists and practitioners. The International Journal of Psychoanalysis is published by the Institute of Psychoanalysis. Now in its 84th year, it has one of the largest circulation of any psychoanalytic journal.

[edit] Research
This article may contain original research. Please improve it by verifying the claims made and adding references. Statements consisting only of original research may be removed. More details may be available on the talk page. (May 2008)

Over a hundred years of case reports and studies in the journal Modern Psychoanalysis, the Psychoanalytic Quarterly, the International Journal of Psychoanalysis and the Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association have analyzed efficacy of analysis in cases of neurosis and character or personality problems. Psychoanalysis modified by object relations techniques has been shown to be effective in many cases of ingrained problems of intimacy and relationship (cf. the many books of Otto Kernberg). As a therapeutic treatment, psychoanalytic techniques may be useful in a one-session consultation.[45] Psychoanalytic treatment, in other situations, may run from about a year to many years, depending on the severity and complexity of the pathology.

Psychoanalytic theory has, from its inception, been the subject of criticism and controversy. Freud remarked on this early in his career, when other physicians in Vienna ostracized him for his findings that hysterical conversion symptoms were not limited to women. Challenges to analytic theory began with Otto Rank and Adler (turn of the 20th century), continued with behaviorists (e.g. Wolpe) into the 1940s and ’50s, and have persisted. Criticisms come from those who object to the notion that there are mechanisms, thoughts or feelings in the mind that could be unconscious. Criticisms also have been leveled against the discovery of « infantile sexuality » (the recognition that children between ages two and six imagine things about procreation). Criticisms of theory have led to variations in analytic theories, such as the work of Fairbairn, Balint, and Bowlby. In the past 30 years or so, the criticisms have centered on the issue of empirical verification,[46] in spite of many empirical, prospective research studies that have been empirically validated (e.g., See the studies of Barbara Milrod, at Cornell University Medical School, et al.[citation needed]).

Psychoanalysis has been used as a research tool into childhood development (cf. the journal The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child), and has developed into a flexible, effective treatment for certain mental disturbances.[47] In the 1960s, Freud’s early (1905) thoughts on the childhood development of female sexuality were challenged; this challenge led to major research in the 1970s and 80s, and then to a reformulation of female sexual development that corrected some of Freud’s concepts.[48] Also see the various works of Eleanor Galenson, Nancy Chodorow, Karen Horney, Francoise Dolto, Melanie Klein, Selma Fraiberg, and others. Most recently, psychoanalytic researchers who have integrated attachment theory into their work, including Alicia Lieberman, Susan Coates, and Daniel Schechter have explored the role of parental traumatization in the development of young children’s mental representations of self and others.[49]

A 2005 review of randomized controlled trials found that « psychoanalytic therapy is (1) more effective than no treatment or treatment as usual, and (2) more effective than shorter forms of psychodynamic therapy ».[50] Empirical research on the efficacy of psychoanalysis and psychoanalytic psychotherapy has also become prominent among psychoanalytic researchers.

Research on psychodynamic treatment of some populations shows mixed results. Research by analysts such as Bertram Karon and colleagues at Michigan State University had suggested that when trained properly, psychodynamic therapists can be effective with schizophrenic patients. More recent research casts doubt on these claims. The Schizophrenia Patient Outcomes Research Team (PORT) report argues in its Recommendation 22 against the use of psychodynamic therapy in cases of schizophrenia, noting that more trials are necessary to verify its effectiveness. However, the PORT recommendation is based on the opinions of clinicians rather than on empirical data, and empirical data exist that contradict this recommendation (link to abstract).

A review of current medical literature in The Cochrane Library, (the updated abstract of which is available online) reached the conclusion that no data exist that demonstrate that psychodynamic psychotherapy is effective in treating schizophrenia. Dr. Hyman Spotnitz and the practitioners of his theory known as Modern Psychoanalysis, a specific sub-specialty, still report (2007) much success in using their enhanced version of psychoanalytic technique in the treatment of schizophrenia. Further data also suggest that psychoanalysis is not effective (and possibly even detrimental) in the treatment of sex offenders. Experiences of psychoanalysts and psychoanalytic psychotherapists and research into infant and child development have led to new insights. Theories have been further developed and the results of empirical research are now more integrated in the psychoanalytic theory.[51]

There are different forms of psychoanalysis and psychotherapies in which psychoanalytic thinking is practiced. Besides classical psychoanalysis there is for example psychoanalytic psychotherapy. Other examples of well known therapies which also use insights of psychoanalysis are Mentalization-Based Treatment (MBT), and Transference-Focused Psychotherapy (TFP).[51] There is also a continuing influence of psychoanalytic thinking in different settings in the mental health care.[52] To give an example: in the psychotherapeutic training in the Netherlands, psychoanalytic and system therapeutic theories, drafts, and techniques are combined and integrated. Other psychoanalytic schools include the Kleinian, Lacanian, and Winnicottian schools.

[edit] Criticism
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Both Freud and psychoanalysis have been criticized in very extreme terms.[53] Exchanges between critics and defenders of psychoanalysis have often been so heated that they have come to be characterized as the Freud Wars. Karl Popper argued that psychoanalysis is a pseudoscience because its claims are not testable and cannot be refuted; that is, they are not falsifiable.[54] For example, if a client’s reaction was not consistent with the psychosexual theory then an alternate explanation would be given (e.g. defense mechanisms, reaction formation). Karl Kraus, an Austrian satirist, was the subject of a book written by noted libertarian author Thomas Szasz. The book Anti-Freud: Karl Kraus’s Criticism of Psychoanalysis and Psychiatry, originally published under the name Karl Kraus and the Soul Doctors, portrayed Kraus as a harsh critic of Sigmund Freud and of psychoanalysis in general. Other commentators, such as Edward Timms, author of Karl Kraus – Apocalyptic Satirist, have argued that Kraus respected Freud, though with reservations about the application of some of his theories, and that his views were far less black-and-white than Szasz suggests.

Grünbaum argues that psychoanalytic based theories are falsifiable, but that the causal claims of psychoanalysis are unsupported by the available clinical evidence. Other schools of psychology have produced alternative methods for psychotherapy, including behavior therapy, cognitive therapy, Gestalt therapy and person-centered psychotherapy. Hans Eysenck determined that improvement was no greater than spontaneous remission.[citation needed] Between two-thirds and three-fourths of “neurotics” would recover naturally; this was no different from therapy clients. Prioleau, Murdock, Brody reviewed several therapy-outcome studies and determined that psychotherapy is not different from placebo controls.

Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze, as a sociological analysis without meaning to criticize,[citation needed] claimed that the institution of psychoanalysis has become a center of power and that its confessional techniques resemble the Christian tradition.[55] Strong criticism of certain forms of psychoanalysis is offered by psychoanalytical theorists. Jacques Lacan criticized the emphasis of some American and British psychoanalytical traditions on what he has viewed as the suggestion of imaginary « causes » for symptoms, and recommended the return to Freud.[56] Together with Gilles Deleuze, Félix Guattari criticised the Oedipal structure.[57] Luce Irigaray criticised psychoanalysis, employing Jacques Derrida’s concept of phallogocentrism to describe the exclusion of the woman from Freudian and Lacanian psychoanalytical theories.[58]

Due to the wide variety of psychoanalytic theories, varying schools of psychoanalysis often internally criticize each other. One consequence is that some critics offer criticism of specific ideas present only in one or more theories, rather than in all of psychoanalysis while not rejecting other premises of psychoanalysis. Defenders of psychoanalysis argue that many critics (such as feminist critics of Freud) have attempted to offer criticisms of psychoanalysis that were in fact only criticisms of specific ideas present only in one or more theories, rather than in all of psychoanalysis. As the psychoanalytic researcher Drew Westen puts it, « Critics have typically focused on a version of psychoanalytic theory—circa 1920 at best—that few contemporary analysts find compelling. In so doing, however, they have set the terms of the public debate and have led many analysts, I believe mistakenly, down an indefensible path of trying to defend a 75 to 100-year-old version of a theory and therapy that has changed substantially since Freud laid its foundations at the turn of the century. »[59] A further consideration with respect to cost is that in circumstances when lower cost treatment is provided to the patient as the analyst is funded by the government, then psychoanalytic treatment occurs at the expense other forms of more effective treatment.[60]

Freud’s psychoanalysis was criticized by his wife, Martha. René Laforgue reported Martha Freud saying, « I must admit that if I did not realize how seriously my husband takes his treatments, I should think that psychoanalysis is a form of pornography. » To Martha there was something vulgar about psychoanalysis, and she dissociated herself from it. According to Marie Bonaparte, Martha was upset with her husband’s work and his treatment of sexuality.[61]

[edit] Charges of fascism
Deleuze and Guattari, in their 1972 work Anti-Œdipus, take the cases of Gérard Mendel, Bela Grunberger and Janine Chasseguet-Smirgel, prominent members of the most respected associations (IPa), to suggest that, traditionally, psychoanalysis enthusiastically embraces a police state:[62]

“ As to those who refuse to be oedipalized in one form or another, at one end or the other in the treatment, the psychoanalyst is there to call the asylum or the police for help. The police on our side!—never did psychoanalysis better display its taste for supporting the movement of social repression, and for participating in it with enthusiasm. [...] notice of the dominant tone in the most respected associations: consider Dr. Mendel and the Drs Stéphane, the state of fury that is theirs, and their literally police-like appeal at the thought that someone might try to escape the Oedipal dragnet. Oedipus is one of those things that becomes all the more dangerous the less people believe in it; then the cops are there to replace the high priests. ”

Dr. Bela Grunberger and Dr. Janine Chasseguet-Smirgel were two psychoanalysts from the Paris section of the International Psychoanalytical Association (IPa). In November 1968, disguising themselves under the pseudonym André Stéphane, they published L’univers Contestationnaire, in which they assumed that the left-wing rioters of May 68 were totalitarian stalinists, and psychoanalyzed them saying that they were affected by a sordid infantilism caught up in an Oedipal revolt against the Father.[63][64]

Notably Lacan, mentioned this book with great disdain. While Grunberger and Chasseguet-Smirgel were still disguised under the pseudonym, Lacan remarked that for sure none of the authors belonged to his school, as none would debase themselves to such low drivel.[65] The IPa analysts responded accusing the Lacan school of « intellectual terrorism ».[63] Gérard Mendel, had instead published La révolte contre le père (1968) and Pour décoloniser l’enfant (1971).

[edit] Scientific criticism
Peter Medawar, an immunologist, said in 1975 that psychoanalysis is the « most stupendous intellectual confidence trick of the twentieth century ».[53] Early critics of psychoanalysis believed that its theories were based too little on quantitative and experimental research, and too much on the clinical case study method. Some even accused Freud of fabrication, most famously in the case of Anna O. (Borch-Jacobsen 1996). An increasing amount of empirical research from academic psychologists and psychiatrists has begun to address this criticism. A survey of scientific research suggested that while personality traits corresponding to Freud’s oral, anal, Oedipal, and genital phases can be observed, they do not necessarily manifest as stages in the development of children. These studies also have not confirmed that such traits in adults result from childhood experiences (Fisher & Greenberg, 1977, p. 399). However, these stages should not be viewed as crucial to modern psychoanalysis. What is crucial to modern psychoanalytic theory and practice is the power of the unconscious and the transference phenomenon.

The idea of « unconscious » is contested because human behavior can be observed while human mental activity has to be inferred. However, the unconscious is now a popular topic of study in the fields of experimental and social psychology (e.g., implicit attitude measures, fMRI, and PET scans, and other indirect tests). The idea of unconscious, and the transference phenomenon, have been widely researched and, it is claimed, validated in the fields of cognitive psychology and social psychology (Westen & Gabbard 2002), though a Freudian interpretation of unconscious mental activity is not held by the majority of cognitive psychologists. Recent developments in neuroscience have resulted in one side arguing that it has provided a biological basis for unconscious emotional processing in line with psychoanalytic theory i.e., neuropsychoanalysis (Westen & Gabbard 2002), while the other side argues that such findings make psychoanalytic theory obsolete and irrelevant.

E. Fuller Torrey, writing in Witchdoctors and Psychiatrists (1986), stated that psychoanalytic theories have no more scientific basis than the theories of traditional native healers, « witchdoctors » or modern « cult » alternatives such as est.[66] Some scientists regard psychoanalysis as a pseudoscience (Cioffi, 1998). Among philosophers, Karl Popper argued that Freud’s theory of the unconscious was not falsifiable and therefore not scientific.[54] Popper did not object to the idea that some mental processes could be unconscious but to investigations of the mind that were not falsifiable. In other words, if it were possible to connect every conceivable experimental outcome with Freud’s theory of the unconscious mind, then no experiment could refute the theory. Noam Chomsky has also criticized psychoanalysis for lacking a scientific basis.[67]

Mario Bunge, an epistemologist from McGill University, Canada, says that the psychoanalysis is pseudoscience, mostly because of its lack of coherence or correspondence with other well-established branches of science, like neurology, neurophysiology and psychiatry.

Some proponents of psychoanalysis suggest that its concepts and theories are more akin to those found in the humanities than those proper to the physical and biological/medical sciences, though Freud himself tried to base his clinical formulations on a hypothetical neurophysiology of energy transformations. For example, the philosopher Paul Ricoeur argued that psychoanalysis can be considered a type of textual interpretation or hermeneutics. Like cultural critics and literary scholars, Ricoeur contended, psychoanalysts spend their time interpreting the nuances of language — the language of their patients. Ricoeur claimed that psychoanalysis emphasizes the polyvocal or many-voiced qualities of language, focusing on utterances that mean more than one thing. Ricoeur classified psychoanalysis as a hermeneutics of suspicion. By this he meant that psychoanalysis searches for deception in language, and thereby destabilizes our usual reliance on clear, obvious meanings. Supporting criticism regarding the validity of psychoanalytic therapeutic technique, numerous outcome studies have shown that its efficacy is related to the quality of the therapist, rather than the psychoanalytic school or technique or training[68], while a french 2004 report from INSERM says instead, that psychoanalysis therapy is far less effective than other psychotherapies (among which Cognitive behavioral therapy).

[edit] Theoretical criticism
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Some theoretical criticism of psychoanalysis is based on the argument that it is over simplistic and reductive, because it reduces everything to the idea that we are all driven by our sexuality and does not take into consideration other factors.[citation needed] For example: class, political ideology, ecosystem or even spirituality.[citation needed] People like the Freudo-Marxist Wilhelm Reich redress this, as does Carl Gustav Jung[citation needed] by factoring in economic and political factors (such as relationship to the means of production in the case of Reich), culture and ideas like the paranormal in the case of Jung respectively. However, there is no clean break between the theories of Freud and Jung. For example, Jung’s theories on alchemy as externalised individuation were rooted in Freud’s ideas on projection but factored in culture and spiritual teachings. Psychoanalysts have often complained about the significant lack of theoretical agreement among analysts of different schools. Many authors have attempted to integrate the various theories, with limited success. However, with the publication of the Psychodynamic Diagnostic Manual much of this lack of cohesion has been resolved.

Jacques Derrida incorporated aspects of psychoanalytic theory into deconstruction in order to question what he called the ‘metaphysics of presence’. Freud’s insistence, in the first chapter of The Ego and the Id, that philosophers will recoil from his theory of the unconscious is clearly a forbear to Derrida’s understanding of metaphysical ’self-presence’. Derrida also turns some of these ideas against Freud, to reveal tensions and contradictions in his work. These tensions are the conditions upon which Freud’s work can operate. For example, although Freud defines religion and metaphysics as displacements of the identification with the father in the resolution of the Oedipal complex, Derrida insists in The Postcard: From Socrates to Freud and Beyond that the prominence of the father in Freud’s own analysis is itself indebted to the prominence given to the father in Western metaphysics and theology since Plato. Thus Derrida thinks that even though Freud remains within a theologico-metaphysical tradition[citation needed] of ‘phallologocentrism’, Freud nonetheless criticizes that tradition.

The purpose of Derrida’s analysis is not to refute Freud, which would only reaffirm traditional metaphysics[why?], but to reveal an undecidability at the heart of his project. This deconstruction of Freud casts doubt upon the possibility of delimiting psychoanalysis as a rigorous science. Yet it celebrates the side of Freud which emphasises the open-ended and improvisatory nature of psychoanalysis, and its methodical and ethical demand that the testimony of the analysand should be given prominence in the practice of analysis. Psychoanalysis, or at least the dominant version of it, has been denounced as patriarchal or phallocentric by some proponents of feminist theory.[citation needed] Other feminist scholars have argued that Freud opened up society to female sexuality, with French feminism based on psychoanalysis.[citation needed]

Some post-colonialists argue that psychoanalysis imposes a white, European model of human development on those without European heritage, hence they will argue Freud’s theories are a form or instrument of intellectual imperialism.

Freud’s psychology based analysis of Michelangelo’s Moses has received attention from several critics. Some critics have an appreciation for Freud’s interpretation because of the popularity of his psychoanalytical theories. Some find that his psychological approach is a unique way to analyze a piece of art. Others find his analysis flawed based on Biblical references.

[edit] References
Preconscious
Unconscious
Psychic apparatus
Id, ego, and super-ego
Libido
Drive
Transference
Countertransference
Ego defenses
Resistance
Projection

Psychoanalysis (or Freudian psychology) is a body of ideas developed by Austrian physician Sigmund Freud and continued by others. It is primarily devoted to the study of human psychological functioning and behavior, although it can also be applied to societies. Psychoanalysis has three main components:

1.a method of investigation of the mind and the way one thinks;
2.a systematized set of theories about human behavior;
3.a method of treatment of psychological or emotional illness.[1]
Under the broad umbrella of psychoanalysis, there are at least 22 theoretical orientations regarding human mentation and development. The various approaches in treatment called « psychoanalysis » vary as much as the theories do. The term also refers to a method of studying child development.

Freudian psychoanalysis refers to a specific type of treatment in which the « analysand » (analytic patient) verbalizes thoughts, including free associations, fantasies, and dreams, from which the analyst induces the unconscious conflicts causing the patient’s symptoms and character problems, and interprets them for the patient to create insight for resolution of the problems.

The specifics of the analyst’s interventions typically include confronting and clarifying the patient’s pathological defenses, wishes and guilt. Through the analysis of conflicts, including those contributing to resistance and those involving transference onto the analyst of distorted reactions, psychoanalytic treatment can clarify how patients unconsciously are their own worst enemies: how unconscious, symbolic reactions that have been stimulated by experience are causing symptoms.
The idea of psychoanalysis was developed in Vienna in the 1890s by Sigmund Freud, a neurologist interested in finding an effective treatment for patients with neurotic or hysterical symptoms. Freud had become aware of the existence of mental processes that were not conscious as a result of his neurological consulting job at the Children’s Hospital, where he noticed that many aphasic children had no organic cause for their symptoms. He wrote a monograph about this subject.[2] In the late 1880s, Freud obtained a grant to study with Jean-Martin Charcot, the famed neurologist and syphilologist, at the Salpêtrière in Paris. Charcot had become interested in patients who had symptoms that mimicked general paresis. Freud’s first theory to explain hysterical symptoms was the so-called « seduction theory ». Since his patients under treatment with this new method « remembered » incidents of having been sexually seduced in childhood, Freud believed that they had actually been abused only to later repress those memories. This led to his publication with Dr. Breuer in 1893 of case reports of the treatment of hysteria.[3] This first theory became untenable as an explanation of all incidents of hysteria. As a result of his work with his patients, Freud learned that the majority complained of sexual problems, especially coitus interruptus as birth control. He suspected their problems stemmed from cultural restrictions on sexual expression and that their sexual wishes and fantasies had been repressed. Between this discovery of the unexpressed sexual desires and the relief of the symptoms by abreaction, Freud began to theorize that the unconscious mind had determining effects on hysterical symptoms.

His first comprehensive attempt at an explanatory theory was the then unpublished Project for a Scientific Psychology in 1895.[4] In this work Freud attempted to develop a neurophysiologic theory based on transfer of energy by the neurons in the brain in order to explain unconscious mechanisms. He abandoned the project when he came to realize that there was a complicated psychological process involved over and above neuronal activity. By 1900, Freud had discovered that dreams had symbolic significance, and generally were specific to the dreamer. Freud formulated his second psychological theory— which postulates that the unconscious has or is a « primary process » consisting of symbolic and condensed thoughts, and a « secondary process » of logical, conscious thoughts. This theory was published in his 1900 opus magnum, The Interpretation of Dreams.[5] Chapter VII was a re-working of the earlier « Project » and Freud outlined his « Topographic Theory. » In this theory, which was mostly later supplanted by the Structural Theory, unacceptable sexual wishes were repressed into the « System Unconscious, » unconscious due to society’s condemnation of premarital sexual activity, and this repression created anxiety. Freud also discovered what most of us take for granted today: that dreams were symbolic and specific to the dreamer. Often, dreams give clues to unconscious conflicts, and for this reason, Freud referred to dreams as the « royal road to the Unconscious. »

[edit] 1900–1940s
This « topographic theory » is still popular in much of Europe, although it has been superseded in much of North America.[6] In 1905, Freud published Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality[7] in which he laid out his discovery of so-called psychosexual phases: oral (ages 0–2), anal (2-4), phallic-oedipal (today called 1st genital) (3-6), latency (6-puberty), and mature genital (puberty-onward). His early formulation included the idea that because of societal restrictions, sexual wishes were repressed into an unconscious state, and that the energy of these unconscious wishes could be turned into anxiety or physical symptoms. Therefore the early treatment techniques, including hypnotism and abreaction, were designed to make the unconscious conscious in order to relieve the pressure and the apparently resulting symptoms.

In On Narcissism (1915)[8] Freud turned his attention to the subject of narcissism. Still utilizing an energic system, Freud conceptualized the question of energy directed at the self versus energy directed at others, called cathexis. By 1917, In « Mourning and Melancholia, » he suggested that certain depressions were caused by turning guilt-ridden anger on the self.[9] In 1919 in « A Child is Being Beaten » he began to address the problems of self-destructive behavior (moral masochism) and frank sexual masochism.[10] Based on his experience with depressed and self-destructive patients, and pondering the carnage of WWI, Freud became dissatisfied with considering only oral and sexual motivations for behavior. By 1920, Freud addressed the power of identification (with the leader and with other members) in groups as a motivation for behavior (Group Psychology and Analysis of the Ego).[11] In that same year (1920) Freud suggested his « dual drive » theory of sexuality and aggression in Beyond the Pleasure Principle, to try to begin to explain human destructiveness.[12]

In 1923, he presented his new « structural theory » of an id, ego, and superego in a book entitled, The Ego and the Id.[13] Therein, he revised the whole theory of mental functioning, now considering that repression was only one of many defense mechanisms, and that it occurred to reduce anxiety. Note that repression, for Freud, is both a cause of anxiety and a response to anxiety. In 1926, in Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety, Freud laid out how intrapsychic conflict among drive and superego (wishes and guilt) caused anxiety, and how that anxiety could lead to an inhibition of mental functions, such as intellect and speech.[14]. Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety was written in response to Otto Rank, who, in 1924, published Das Trauma der Geburt (translated into English in 1929 as The Trauma of Birth), exploring how art, myth, religion, philosophy and therapy were illuminated by separation anxiety in the « phase before the development of the Oedipus complex » (p. 216). But there was no such phase in Freud’s theories. The Oedipus complex, Freud explained tirelessly, was the nucleus of the neurosis and the foundational source of all art, myth, religion, philosophy, therapy—indeed of all human culture and civilization. It was the first time that anyone in the inner circle had dared to suggest that the Oedipus complex might not be the only factor contributing to intrapsychic development

By 1936, the « Principle of Multiple Function » was clarified by Robert Waelder.[15] He widened the formulation that psychological symptoms were caused by and relieved conflict simultaneously. Moreover, symptoms (such as phobias and compulsions) each represented elements of some drive wish (sexual and/or aggressive), superego (guilt), anxiety, reality, and defenses. Also in 1936, Anna Freud, Sigmund’s famous daughter, published her seminal book, The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense, outlining numerous ways the mind could shut upsetting things out of consciousness.[16]

[edit] 1940s-2000s
Following the death of Freud, a new group of psychoanalysts began to explore the function of the ego. Led by Hartmann, Kris, Rappaport and Lowenstein, the group built upon understandings of the synthetic function of the ego as a mediator in psychic functioning. Hartmann in particular distinguished between autonomous ego functions (such as memory and intellect which could be secondarily affected by conflict) and synthetic functions which were a result of compromise formation. These « Ego Psychologists » of the ’50s paved a way to focus analytic work by attending to the defenses (mediated by the ego) before exploring the deeper roots to the unconscious conflicts. In addition there was burgeoning interest in child psychoanalysis. Although criticized since its inception, psychoanalysis has been used as a research tool into childhood development,[17] and has is still used to treat certain mental disturbances.[18] In the 1960s, Freud’s early thoughts on the childhood development of female sexuality were challenged; this challenge led to the development of a variety of understandings of female sexual development, many of which modified the timing and normality of several of Freud’s theories (which had been gleaned from the treatment of women with mental disturbances). Several researchers[19] followed Karen Horney’s studies of societal pressures that influence the development of women. Most contemporary North American psychoanalysts employ theories that, while based on those of Sigmund Freud, include many modifications of theory and practice developed since his death in 1939.

In the 2000s there are approximately 35 training institutes for psychoanalysis in the United States accredited by the American Psychoanalytic Association [4][20] which is a component organization of the International Psychoanalytical Association, and there are over 3,000 graduated psychoanalysts practicing in the United States. The International Psychoanalytical Association accredits psychoanalytic training centers throughout the rest of the world, including countries such as Serbia, France, Germany, Austria, Italy, Switzerland, and many others, as well as about six institutes directly in the U.S. Freud published a paper entitled The History of the Psychoanalytic Movement in 1914, German original being first published in the Jahrbuch der Psychoanalyse.[21]

[edit] Theories
The predominant psychoanalytic theories can be grouped into several theoretical « schools. » Although these theoretical « schools » differ, most of them continue to stress the strong influence of unconscious elements affecting people’s mental lives. There has also been considerable work done on consolidating elements of conflicting theory (cf. the work of Theodore Dorpat, B. Killingmo, and S. Akhtar). As in all fields of healthcare, there are some persistent conflicts regarding specific causes of some syndromes, and disputes regarding the best treatment techniques. In the 2000s, psychoanalytic ideas are embedded in Western culture, especially in fields such as childcare, education, literary criticism, cultural studies, and mental health, particularly psychotherapy. Though there is a mainstream of evolved analytic ideas, there are groups who follow the precepts of one or more of the later theoreticians. Psychoanalytic ideas also play roles in some types of literary analysis such as Archetypal literary criticism.

[edit] Topographic theory
Topographic theory was first described by Freud in « The Interpretation of Dreams » (1900)[22][23] The theory posits that the mental apparatus can be divided in to the systems Conscious, Pre-conscious and Unconscious. These systems are not anatomical structures of the brain but, rather, mental processes. Although Freud retained this theory throughout his life he largely replaced it with the Structural theory. The Topographic theory remains as one of the metapsychological points of view for describing how the mind functions in classical psychoanalytic theory.

[edit] Structural theory
Structural theory divides the psyche into the id, the ego, and the super-ego. The id is present at birth as the repository of basic instincts, which Freud called « Triebe » (« drives »): unorganised and unconscious, it operates merely on the ‘pleasure principle’, without realism or foresight. The ego develops slowly and gradually, being concerned with mediating between the urgings of the id and the realities of the external world; it thus operates on the ‘reality principle’. The super-ego is held to be the part of the ego in which self-observation, self-criticism and other reflective and judgemental faculties develop. The ego and the super-ego are both partly conscious and partly unconscious.

[edit] Ego psychology
Ego psychology was initially suggested by Freud in Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety (1926). The theory was refined by Hartmann, Loewenstein, and Kris in a series of papers and books from 1939 through the late 1960s. Leo Bellak was a later contributor. This series of constructs, paralleling some of the later developments of cognitive theory, includes the notions of autonomous ego functions: mental functions not dependent, at least in origin, on intrapsychic conflict. Such functions include: sensory perception, motor control, symbolic thought, logical thought, speech, abstraction, integration (synthesis), orientation, concentration, judgment about danger, reality testing, adaptive ability, executive decision-making, hygiene, and self-preservation. Freud noted that inhibition is one method that the mind may utilize to interfere with any of these functions in order to avoid painful emotions. Hartmann (1950s) pointed out that there may be delays or deficits in such functions.

Frosch (1964) described differences in those people who demonstrated damage to their relationship to reality, but who seemed able to test it. Deficits in the capacity to organize thought are sometimes referred to as blocking or loose associations (Bleuler), and are characteristic of the schizophrenias. Deficits in abstraction ability and self-preservation also suggest psychosis in adults. Deficits in orientation and sensorium are often indicative of a medical illness affecting the brain (and therefore, autonomous ego functions). Deficits in certain ego functions are routinely found in severely sexually or physically abused children, where powerful effects generated throughout childhood seem to have eroded some functional development.

Ego strengths, later described by Kernberg (1975), include the capacities to control oral, sexual, and destructive impulses; to tolerate painful affects without falling apart; and to prevent the eruption into consciousness of bizarre symbolic fantasy. Synthetic functions, in contrast to autonomous functions, arise from the development of the ego and serve the purpose of managing conflictual processes. Defenses are synthetic functions that protect the conscious mind from awareness of forbidden impulses and thoughts. One purpose of ego psychology has been to emphasize that some mental functions can be considered to be basic, rather than derivatives of wishes, affects, or defenses. However, autonomous ego functions can be secondarily affected because of unconscious conflict. For example, a patient may have an hysterical amnesia (memory being an autonomous function) because of intrapsychic conflict (wishing not to remember because it is too painful).

Taken together, the above theories present a group of metapsychological assumptions. Therefore, the inclusive group of the different classical theories provides a cross-sectional view of human mentation. There are six « points of view », five described by Freud and a sixth added by Hartmann. Unconscious processes can therefore be evaluated from each of these six points of view. The « points of view » are: 1. Topographic 2. Dynamic (the theory of conflict) 3. Economic (the theory of energy flow) 4. Structural 5. Genetic (propositions concerning origin and development of psychological functions) and 6. Adaptational (psychological phenomena as it relates to the external world).[24]

[edit] Modern conflict theory
A variation of ego psychology, termed « modern conflict theory », is more broadly an update and revision of structural theory (Freud, 1923, 1926); it does away with some of structural theory’s more arcane features, such as where repressed thoughts are stored. Modern conflict theory looks at how emotional symptoms and character traits are complex solutions to mental conflict.[25] It dispenses with the concepts of a fixed id, ego and superego, and instead posits conscious and unconscious conflict among wishes (dependent, controlling, sexual, and aggressive), guilt and shame, emotions (especially anxiety and depressive affect), and defensive operations that shut off from consciousness some aspect of the others. Moreover, healthy functioning (adaptive) is also determined, to a great extent, by resolutions of conflict.

A major objective of modern conflict-theory psychoanalysis is to change the balance of conflict in a patient by making aspects of the less adaptive solutions (also called « compromise formations ») conscious so that they can be rethought, and more adaptive solutions found. Current theoreticians following Brenner’s many suggestions (see especially Brenner’s 1982 book, The Mind in Conflict) include Sandor Abend, MD (Abend, Porder, & Willick, (1983), Borderline Patients: Clinical Perspectives), Jacob Arlow (Arlow and Brenner (1964), Psychoanalytic Concepts and the Structural Theory), and Jerome Blackman (2003), 101 Defenses: How the Mind Shields Itself).

[edit] Object relations theory
Object relations theory attempts to explain vicissitudes of human relationships through a study of how internal representations of self and of others are structured. The clinical symptoms that suggest object relations problems (typically developmental delays throughout life) include disturbances in an individual’s capacity to feel warmth, empathy, trust, sense of security, identity stability, consistent emotional closeness, and stability in relationships with chosen other human beings. (It is not suggested that one should trust everyone, for example). Concepts regarding internal representations (also sometimes termed, « introjects, » « self and object representations, » or « internalizations of self and other ») although often attributed to Melanie Klein, were actually first mentioned by Sigmund Freud in his early concepts of drive theory (1905, Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality). Freud’s 1917 paper « Mourning and Melancholia », for example, hypothesized that unresolved grief was caused by the survivor’s internalized image of the deceased becoming fused with that of the survivor, and then the survivor shifting unacceptable anger toward the deceased onto the now complex self image.

Vamik Volkan, in « Linking Objects and Linking Phenomena, » expanded on Freud’s thoughts on this, describing the syndromes of « Established pathological mourning » vs. « reactive depression » based on similar dynamics. Melanie Klein’s hypotheses regarding internalizations during the first year of life, leading to paranoid and depressive positions, were later challenged by Rene Spitz (e.g., The First Year of Life, 1965), who divided the first year of life into a coenesthetic phase of the first six months, and then a diacritic phase for the second six months. Margaret Mahler (Mahler, Fine, and Bergman (1975), « The Psychological Birth of the Human Infant ») and her group, first in New York, then in Philadelphia, described distinct phases and subphases of child development leading to « separation-individuation » during the first three years of life, stressing the importance of constancy of parental figures, in the face of the child’s destructive aggression, to the child’s internalizations, stability of affect management, and ability to develop healthy autonomy.

Later developers of the theory of self and object constancy as it affects adult psychiatric problems such as psychosis and borderline states have been John Frosch, Otto Kernberg, and Salman Akhtar. Peter Blos described (1960, in a book called On Adolescence) how similar separation-individuation struggles occur during adolescence, of course with a different outcome from the first three years of life: the teen usually, eventually, leaves the parents’ house (this varies with the culture). During adolescence, Erik Erikson (1950–1960s) described the « identity crisis, » that involves identity-diffusion anxiety. In order for an adult to be able to experience « Warm-ETHICS » (warmth, empathy, trust, holding environment (Winnicott), identity, closeness, and stability) in relationships (see Blackman (2003), 101 Defenses: How the Mind Shields Itself), the teenager must resolve the problems with identity and redevelop self and object constancy.

[edit] Self psychology
Self psychology emphasizes the development of a stable and integrated sense of self through empathic contacts with other humans, primary significant others conceived of as « selfobjects. » Selfobjects meet the developing self’s needs for mirroring, idealization, and twinship, and thereby strengthen the developing self. The process of treatment proceeds through « transmuting internalizations » in which the patient gradually internalizes the selfobject functions provided by the therapist. Self psychology was proposed originally by Heinz Kohut, and has been further developed by Arnold Goldberg, Frank Lachmann, Paul and Anna Ornstein, Marian Tolpin, and others.

[edit] Jacques Lacan/Lacanian psychoanalysis
Lacanian psychoanalysis integrates psychoanalysis with semiotics and Hegelian philosophy, and is practiced throughout the world. It is especially popular in France and Latin America. Lacanian psychoanalysis is a departure from the traditional British and American psychoanalysis, which is predominantly Ego psychology. Lacan frequently used the phrase « retourner à Freud » in his seminars and writings meaning « back to Freud » as he claimed that his theories were an extension of Freud’s own, contrary to those of Anna Freud, the Ego Psychology, object relations and « self » theories and also claims the necessity of reading Freud’s complete works, not only a part of them. Lacan’s first major contributions concern the « mirror stage », the Real, the Imaginary and the Symbolic, and the claim that « the unconscious is structured as a language ».[26]

Though a major influence on psychoanalysis in France and parts of Latin America, Lacan and his ideas have had little to no impact on psychoanalysis or psychotherapy in the English-speaking world.[27]

[edit] Interpersonal psychoanalysis
Interpersonal psychoanalysis accents the nuances of interpersonal interactions, particularly how individuals protect themselves from anxiety by establishing collusive interactions with others, and the relevance of actual experiences with other persons developmentally (e.g. family and peers) as well as in the present. This is contrasted with the primacy of intrapsychic forces, as in classical psychoanalysis. Interpersonal theory was first introduced by Harry Stack Sullivan, MD, and developed further by Frieda Fromm-Reichmann, Clara Thompson, Erich Fromm, and others who contributed to the founding of the William Alanson White Institute and Interpersonal Psychoanalysis in general.

[edit] Culturalist psychoanalysts
Main article: Culturalist psychoanalysts
Some psychoanalysts have been labeled culturalist, because of the prominence they gave on culture for the genesis of behavior.[28] Among others, Erich Fromm, Karen Horney, Harry Stack Sullivan, have been called culturalist psychoanalysts.[28] They were famously in conflict with orthodox psychoanalysts.[29]

[edit] Relational psychoanalysis
Relational psychoanalysis combines interpersonal psychoanalysis with object-relations theory and with Inter-subjective theory as critical for mental health, was introduced by Stephen Mitchell.[30] Relational psychoanalysis emphasizes how the individual’s personality is shaped by both real and imagined relationships with others, and how these relationship patterns are re-enacted in the interactions between analyst and patient. Fonagy and Target, in London, have propounded their view of the necessity of helping certain detached, isolated patients, develop the capacity for « mentalization » associated with thinking about relationships and themselves.

[edit] Interpersonal-Relational psychoanalysis
The term interpersonal-relational psychoanalysis is often used as a professional identification. Psychoanalysts under this broader umbrella debate about what precisely are the differences between the two schools, without any current clear consensus.

[edit] Intersubjective psychoanalysis
The term « intersubjectivity » was introduced in psychoanalysis by George E. Atwood and Robert Stolorow (1984). Intersubjective approaches emphasize how both personality development and the therapeutic process are influenced by the interrelationship between the patient’s subjective perspective and that of others. The authors of the interpersonal-relational and intersubjective approaches: Otto Rank, Heinz Kohut, Stephen A. Mitchell, Jessica Benjamin, Bernard Brandchaft, J. Fosshage, Donna M.Orange, Arnold « Arnie » Mindell, Thomas Ogden, Owen Renik, Irwin Z. Hoffman, Harold Searles, Colwyn Trewarthen, Edgar A. Levenson, Jay R. Greenberg, Edward R. Ritvo, Beatrice Beebe, Frank M. Lachmann, Herbert Rosenfeld and Daniel Stern.

[edit] Modern psychoanalysis
« Modern psychoanalysis » is a term coined by Hyman Spotnitz and his colleagues to describe a body of theoretical and clinical work undertaken from the 1950s onwards, with the aim of extending Freud’s theories so as to make them applicable to the full spectrum of emotional disorders. Interventions based on this approach are primarily intended to provide an emotional-maturational communication to the patient, rather than to promote intellectual insight.

[edit] Micropsychoanalysis
Micropsychoanalysis has, as Freudian psychoanalysis, the free association technique as its cornerstone. However, micropsychoanalysis complements the practice of classic Freudian psychoanalysis and supplements and enriches some theoretical concepts developed by Freud.[31] The main distintive characteristics of micropsychoanalysis are: average duration of sessions three hours, the rate of sessions is at least five per week and the study of memorabilia belonging to the analysand: personal and family pictures, [32] the making of the analysand’s Genealogical tree, the drawings of childhood houses and the study of family and love letters. The aim of these technical innovations is to facilitate the labour of free association and the establishment of a bridge with reality.[33] A micropsychoanalysis can be completed in about one year if working uninterruptedly or in about three years if working in installments of 6–9 weeks every year.[34] In the theoretical aspect, Fanti reworked the Freudian metapsychology by introducing the concepts of energy and void.[35] He also introduced the idea of the existence of different levels in the structures of the psyche put forward by Freud. For example, the unconscious and preconscious-conscious systems would comprise different levels of internal structure. According to the micropsychoanalytical model, instincts (trieb) surge from the energy, specifically from the tensional difference between energy and void.[36] A basic form of micropsychoanalysis was first conceived in the 1950s by Swiss psychiatrist Silvio Fanti [37][38] and developed systematically by himself and his collaborators, Pierre Codoni and Daniel Lysek, from the 1970s. Micropsychoanalysis is popular in France, Switzerland and Italy.

[edit] Psychopathology (mental disturbances)
[edit] Adult patients
The various psychoses involve deficits in the autonomous ego functions (see above) of integration (organization) of thought, in abstraction ability, in relationship to reality and in reality testing. In depressions with psychotic features, the self-preservation function may also be damaged (sometimes by overwhelming depressive affect). Because of the integrative deficits (often causing what general psychiatrists call « loose associations, » « blocking, » « flight of ideas, » « verbigeration, » and « thought withdrawal »), the development of self and object representations is also impaired. Clinically, therefore, psychotic individuals manifest limitations in warmth, empathy, trust, identity, closeness and/or stability in relationships (due to problems with self-object fusion anxiety) as well.

In patients whose autonomous ego functions are more intact, but who still show problems with object relations, the diagnosis often falls into the category known as « borderline. » Borderline patients also show deficits, often in controlling impulses, affects, or fantasies – but their ability to test reality remains more or less intact. Adults who do not experience guilt and shame, and who indulge in criminal behavior, are usually diagnosed as psychopaths, or, using DSM-IV-TR, antisocial personality disorder.

Panic, phobias, conversions, obsessions, compulsions and depressions (analysts call these « neurotic symptoms ») are not usually caused by deficits in functions. Instead, they are caused by intrapsychic conflicts. The conflicts are generally among sexual and hostile-aggressive wishes, guilt and shame, and reality factors. The conflicts may be conscious or unconscious, but create anxiety, depressive affect, and anger. Finally, the various elements are managed by defensive operations – essentially shut-off brain mechanisms that make people unaware of that element of conflict. « Repression » is the term given to the mechanism that shuts thoughts out of consciousness. « Isolation of affect » is the term used for the mechanism that shuts sensations out of consciousness. Neurotic symptoms may occur with or without deficits in ego functions, object relations, and ego strengths. Therefore, it is not uncommon to encounter obsessive-compulsive schizophrenics, panic patients who also suffer with borderline personality disorder, etc.

This section above is partial to ego psychoanalytic theory « autonomous ego functions. » As the « autonomous ego functions » theory is only a theory, it may yet be proven incorrect.

[edit] Childhood origins
Freudian theories point out that adult problems can be traced to unresolved conflicts from certain phases of childhood and adolescence. Freud, based on the data gathered from his patients early in his career, suspected that neurotic disturbances occurred when children were sexually abused in childhood (the so-called seduction theory). Later, Freud came to believe that, although child abuse occurs, not all neurotic symptoms were associated with this. He realized that neurotic people often had unconscious conflicts that involved incestuous fantasies deriving from different stages of development. He found the stage from about three to six years of age (preschool years, today called the « first genital stage ») to be filled with fantasies of having romantic relationships with both parents. Although arguments were generated in early 20th-century Vienna about whether adult seduction of children was the basis of neurotic illness, there is virtually no argument about this problem in the 21st century.

Many psychoanalysts who work with children have studied the actual effects of child abuse, which include ego and object relations deficits and severe neurotic conflicts. Much research has been done on these types of trauma in childhood, and the adult sequelae of those. On the other hand, many adults with symptom neuroses and character pathology have no history of childhood sexual or physical abuse. In studying the childhood factors that start neurotic symptom development, Freud found a constellation of factors that, for literary reasons, he termed the Oedipus complex (based on the play by Sophocles, Oedipus Rex, where the protagonist unwittingly kills his father Laius and marries his mother Jocasta). The shorthand term, « oedipal, » (later explicated by Joseph Sandler in « On the Concept Superego » (1960) and modified by Charles Brenner in « The Mind in Conflict » (1982)) refers to the powerful attachments that children make to their parents in the preschool years. These attachments involve fantasies of sexual relationships with either (or both) parent, and, therefore, competitive fantasies toward either (or both) parents. Humberto Nagera (1975) has been particularly helpful in clarifying many of the complexities of the child through these years.

The terms « positive » and « negative » oedipal conflicts have been attached to the heterosexual and homosexual aspects, respectively. Both seem to occur in development of most children. Eventually, the developing child’s concessions to reality (that they will neither marry one parent nor eliminate the other) lead to identifications with parental values. These identifications generally create a new set of mental operations regarding values and guilt, subsumed under the term « superego. » Besides superego development, children « resolve » their preschool oedipal conflicts through channeling wishes into something their parents approve of (« sublimation ») and the development, during the school-age years (« latency ») of age-appropriate obsessive-compulsive defensive maneuvers (rules, repetitive games).

[edit] Treatment
Using the various analytic theories to assess mental problems, several particular constellations of problems are particularly suited for analytic techniques (see below) whereas other problems respond better to medicines and different interpersonal interventions. To be treated with psychoanalysis, whatever the presenting problem, the person requesting help must demonstrate a desire to start an analysis. The person wishing to start an analysis must have some capacity for speech and communication. As well, they need to be able to have trust and empathy within the psychoanalytic session. Potential patients must undergo a preliminary stage of treatment to assess their amenability to psychoanalysis, at that time, and also to enable the analyst to form a working psychological model which the analyst will use to direct the treatment. Psychoanalysts mainly work with neurosis and hysteria in particular, however adapted forms of psychoanalysis are used in working with schizophrenia and other forms of psychosis. Finally, if a prospective patient is severely suicidal a longer preliminary stage may be employed, sometimes with sessions which have a twenty minute break in the middle. There are modifications of techniques due to the radically individualistic nature of each person’s analysis.

The most common problems treatable with psychoanalysis include: phobias, conversions, compulsions, obsessions, anxiety attacks, depressions, sexual dysfunctions, a wide variety of relationship problems (such as dating and marital strife), and a wide variety of character problems (for example, painful shyness, meanness, obnoxiousness, workaholism, hyperseductiveness, hyperemotionality, hyperfastidiousness). The fact that many of such patients also demonstrate deficits above makes diagnosis and treatment selection difficult.

Analytical organizations such as the International Psychoanalytic Association,[39] The American Psychoanalytic Association,[40] and the European Federation for Psychoanalytic Psychotherapy,[41] have established procedures and models for the indication and practice of psychoanalytical therapy for trainees in analysis. The match between the analyst and the patient can be viewed as another contributing factor for the indication and contraindication for psychoanalytic treatment. The analyst decides whether the patient is suitable for psychoanalysis. This decision made by the analyst, besides made on the usual indications and pathology, is also based to a certain degree by the « fit » between analyst and patient. A person’s suitability for analysis at any particular time is based on their desire to know something about where their illness has come from. Someone who is not suitable for analysis expresses no desire to know more about the root causes of their illness. An evaluation may include one or more other analysts’ independent opinions and will include discussion of the patient’s financial situation and insurances.

[edit] Techniques
The basic method of psychoanalysis is interpretation of the patient’s unconscious conflicts that are interfering with current-day functioning – conflicts that are causing painful symptoms such as phobias, anxiety, depression, and compulsions. Strachey (1936) stressed that figuring out ways the patient distorted perceptions about the analyst led to understanding what may have been forgotten (also see Freud’s paper « Repeating, Remembering, and Working Through »). In particular, unconscious hostile feelings toward the analyst could be found in symbolic, negative reactions to what Robert Langs later called the « frame » of the therapy – the setup that included times of the sessions, payment of fees, and necessity of talking. In patients who made mistakes, forgot, or showed other peculiarities regarding time, fees, and talking, the analyst can usually find various unconscious « resistances » to the flow of thoughts (sometimes called free association).

Freud’s patients would lie on this couch during psychoanalysisWhen the patient reclines on a couch with the analyst out of view, the patient tends to remember more, experience more resistance and transference, and be able to reorganize thoughts after the development of insight – through the interpretive work of the analyst. Although fantasy life can be understood through the examination of dreams, masturbation fantasies (cf. Marcus, I. and Francis, J. (1975), Masturbation from Infancy to Senescence) are also important. The analyst is interested in how the patient reacts to and avoids such fantasies (cf. Paul Gray (1994), The Ego and the Analysis of Defense).[42] Various memories of early life are generally distorted – Freud called them « screen memories » – and in any case, very early experiences (before age two) – can not be remembered (See the child studies of Eleanor Galenson on « evocative memory »).

[edit] Variations in technique
There is what is known among psychoanalysts as « classical technique, » although Freud throughout his writings deviated from this considerably, depending on the problems of any given patient. Classical technique was summarized by Allan Compton, MD, as comprising instructions (telling the patient to try to say what’s on their mind, including interferences); exploration (asking questions); and clarification (rephrasing and summarizing what the patient has been describing). As well, the analyst can also use confrontation to bringing an aspect of functioning, usually a defense, to the patient’s attention. The analyst then uses a variety of interpretation methods, such as dynamic interpretation (explaining how being too nice guards against guilt, e.g. – defense vs. affect); genetic interpretation (explaining how a past event is influencing the present); resistance interpretation (showing the patient how they are avoiding their problems); transference interpretation (showing the patient ways old conflicts arise in current relationships, including that with the analyst); or dream interpretation (obtaining the patient’s thoughts about their dreams and connecting this with their current problems). Analysts can also use reconstruction to estimate what may have happened in the past that created some current issue.

These techniques are primarily based on conflict theory (see above). As object relations theory evolved, grass supplemented by the work of Bowlby, Ainsorth, and Beebe, techniques with patients who had more severe problems with basic trust (Erikson, 1950) and a history of maternal deprivation (see the works of Augusta Alpert) led to new techniques with adults. These have sometimes been called interpersonal, intersubjective (cf. Stolorow), relational, or corrective object relations techniques. These techniques include expressing an empathic attunement to the patient or warmth; exposing a bit of the analyst’s personal life or attitudes to the patient; allowing the patient autonomy in the form of disagreement with the analyst (cf. I.H. Paul, Letters to Simon.); and explaining the motivations of others which the patient misperceives. Ego psychological concepts of deficit in functioning led to refinements in supportive therapy. These techniques are particularly applicable to psychotic and near-psychotic (cf., Eric Marcus, « Psychosis and Near-psychosis ») patients. These supportive therapy techniques include discussions of reality; encouragement to stay alive (including hospitalization); psychotropic medicines to relieve overwhelming depressive affect or overwhelming fantasies (hallucinations and delusions); and advice about the meanings of things (to counter abstraction failures).

The notion of the « silent analyst » has been criticized. Actually, the analyst listens using Arlow’s approach as set out in « The Genesis of Interpretation »), using active intervention to interpret resistances, defenses creating pathology, and fantasies. Silence is not a technique of psychoanalysis (also see the studies and opinion papers of Owen Renik, MD). « Analytic Neutrality » is a concept that does not mean the analyst is silent. It refers to the analyst’s position of not taking sides in the internal struggles of the patient. For example, if a patient feels guilty, the analyst might explore what the patient has been doing or thinking that causes the guilt, but not reassure the patient not to feel guilty. The analyst might also explore the identifications with parents and others that led to the guilt.

Interpersonal-Relational psychoanalysts emphasize the notion that it is impossible to be neutral. Sullivan introduced the term « participant-observer » to indicate the analyst inevitably interacts with the analysand, and suggested the detailed inquiry as an alternative to interpretation. The detailed inquiry involves noting where the analysand is leaving out important elements of an account and noting when the story is obfuscated, and asking careful questions to open up the dialogue.

[edit] Group therapy and play therapy
Although single-client sessions remain the norm, psychoanalytic theory has been used to develop other types of psychological treatment. Psychoanalytic group therapy was pioneered by Trigant Burrow, Joseph Pratt, Paul F. Schilder, Samuel R. Slavson, Harry Stack Sullivan, and Wolfe. Child-centered counseling for parents was instituted early in analytic history by Freud, and was later further developed by Irwin Marcus, Edith Schulhofer, and Gilbert Kliman. Psychoanalytically based couples therapy has been promulgated and explicated by Fred Sander, MD. Techniques and tools developed in the 2000s have made psychoanalysis available to patients who were not treatable by earlier techniques. This meant that the analytic situation was modified so that it would be more suitable and more likely to be helpful for these patients. M.N. Eagle (2007) believes that psychoanalysis cannot be a self-contained discipline but instead must be open to influence from and integration with findings and theory from other disciplines.[43]

Psychoanalytic constructs have been adapted for use with children with treatments such as play therapy, art therapy, and storytelling. Throughout her career, from the 1920s through the 1970s, Anna Freud adapted psychoanalysis for children through play. This is still used today for children, especially those who are preadolescent (see Leon Hoffman, New York Psychoanalytic Institute Center for Children). Using toys and games, children are able to demonstrate, symbolically, their fears, fantasies, and defenses; although not identical, this technique, in children, is analogous to the aim of free association in adults. Psychoanalytic play therapy allows the child and analyst to understand children’s conflicts, particularly defenses such as disobedience and withdrawal, that have been guarding against various unpleasant feelings and hostile wishes. In art therapy, the counselor may have a child draw a portrait and then tell a story about the portrait. The counselor watches for recurring themes—regardless of whether it is with art or toys.

[edit] Cultural variations
Psychoanalysis can be adapted to different cultures, as long as the therapist or counseling understands the client’s culture. For example, Tori and Blimes found that defense mechanisms were valid in a normative sample of 2,624 Thais. The use of certain defense mechanisms was related to cultural values. For example Thais value calmness and collectiveness (because of Buddhist beliefs), so they were low on regressive emotionality. Psychoanalysis also applies because Freud used techniques that allowed him to get the subjective perceptions of his patients. He takes an objective approach by not facing his clients during his talk therapy sessions. He met with his patients wherever they were, such as when he used free association — where clients would say whatever came to mind without self-censorship. His treatments had little to no structure for most cultures, especially Asian cultures. Therefore, it is more likely that Freudian constructs will be used in structured therapy (Thompson, et al., 2004). In addition, Corey postulates that it will be necessary for a therapist to help clients develop a cultural identity as well as an ego identity.

[edit] Cost and length of treatment
The cost to the patient of psychoanalytic treatment ranges widely from place to place and between practitioners. Low-fee analysis is often available in a psychoanalytic training clinic and graduate schools. Otherwise, the fee set by each analyst varies with the analyst’s training and experience. Since, in most locations in the United States, unlike in Ontario and Germany, classical analysis (which usually requires sessions three to five times per week) is not covered by health insurance, many analysts may negotiate their fees with patients whom they feel they can help, but who have financial difficulties. The modifications of analysis, which include dynamic therapy, brief therapies, and certain types of group therapy (cf. Slavson, S. R., A Textbook in Analytic Group Therapy), are carried out on a less frequent basis – usually once, twice, or three times a week – and usually the patient sits facing the therapist.

Many studies have also been done on briefer « dynamic » treatments; these are more expedient to measure, and shed light on the therapeutic process to some extent. Brief Relational Therapy (BRT), Brief Psychodynamic Therapy (BPT), and Time-Limited Dynamic Therapy (TLDP) limit treatment to 20-30 sessions. On average, classical analysis may last 5.7 years, but for phobias and depressions uncomplicated by ego deficits or object relations deficits, analysis may run for a shorter period of time. Longer analyses are indicated for those with more serious disturbances in object relations, more symptoms, and more ingrained character pathology (such as obnoxiousness, severe passivity, or heinous procrastination).

[edit] Training and research
Psychoanalytic training in the United States, in most locations, involves personal analytic treatment for the trainee, conducted confidentially, with no report to the Education Committee of the Analytic Training Institute; approximately 600 hours of class instruction, with a standard curriculum, over a four-year period. Classes are often a few hours per week, or for a full day or two every other weekend during the academic year; this varies with the institute; and supervision once per week, with a senior analyst, on each analytic treatment case the trainee has. The minimum number of cases varies between institutes, often two to four cases. Male and female cases are required. Supervision must go on for at least a few years on one or more cases. Supervision is done in the supervisor’s office, where the trainee presents material from the analytic work that week, examines the unconscious conflicts with the supervisor, and learns, discusses, and is advised about technique.

Many psychoanalytic Training Centers in the United States have been accredited by special committees of the American Psychoanalytic Association[44] or the International Psychoanalytical Association. Because of theoretical differences, other independent institutes arose, usually founded by psychologists, who until 1987 were not permitted access to psychoanalytic training institutes of the American Psychoanalytic Association. Currently there are between seventy-five and one hundred independent institutes in the United States. As well, other institutes are affiliated to other organizations such as the American Academy of Psychoanalysis and Dynamic Psychiatry, and the National Association for the Advancement of Psychoanalysis. At most psychoanalytic institutes in the United States, qualifications for entry include a terminal degree in a mental health field, such as Ph.D., Psy.D., M.S.W., or M.D. A few institutes restrict applicants to those already holding an M.D. or Ph.D., and most institutes in Southern California confer a Ph.D. or Psy.D. in psychoanalysis upon graduation, which involves completion of the necessary requirements for the state boards that confer that doctoral degree.The first training institute in America to educate non-medical psychoanalysts was The National Psychological Association for Psychoanalysis., (1978) in New York City. It was founded by the world famous analyst Theodor Reik.

Some psychoanalytic training has been set up as a post-doctoral fellowship in university settings, such as at Duke University, Yale University, New York University, Adelphi University, and Columbia University. Other psychoanalytic institutes may not be directly associated with universities, but the faculty at those institutes usually hold contemporaneous faculty positions with psychology Ph.D. programs and/or with Medical School psychiatry residency programs.

The International Psychoanalytical Association (IPA) is the world’s primary accrediting and regulatory body for psychoanalysis. Their mission is to assure the continued vigour and development of psychoanalysis for the benefit of psychoanalytic patients. It works in partnership with its 70 constituent organizations in 33 countries to support 11,500 members. In the US, there are 77 psychoanalytical organizations, institutes associations in the United States, which are spread across the states of America. The American Psychoanalytic Association (APSaA) has 38 affiliated societies, which have ten or more active members who practice in a given geographical area. The aims of the APSaA and other psychoanalytical organizations are: provide ongoing educational opportunities for its members, stimulate the development and research of psychoanalysis, provide training and organize conferences. There are eight affiliated study groups in the USA (two of them are in Latin America). A study group is the first level of integration of a psychoanalytical body within the International Psychoanalytic Association (IPA), followed by a provisional society and finally a member society.

The Division of Psychoanalysis (39) of the American Psychological Association (APA) was established in the early 1980s by several psychologists. Until the establishment of the Division of Psychoanalysis, psychologists who had trained in independent institutes had no national organization. The Division of Psychoanalysis now has approximately 4,000 members and approximately thirty local chapters in the United States. The Division of Psychoanalysis holds two annual meetings/conferences and offers continuing education in theory, research and clinical technique, as do their affiliated local chapters. The European Psychoanalytical Federation (EPF) is the scientific organization that consolidates all European psychoanalytic societies. This organization is affiliated with the IPA. In 2002 there were approximately 3900 individual members in twenty-two countries, speaking eighteen different languages. There are also twenty-five psychoanalytic societies.

The National Membership Committee for Psychoanalysis in Clinical Social Work was also started in the mid-eighties to represent social work psychoanalysts. Founded by Crayton Rowe, MSW it included in its membership Rueben and Gertrude Blanck who were well known ego psychologists. Other notable members are Joyce Edward, Jean Sanville and Diana Siskind. Recently, NMCOP changed its name to the American Association of Psychoanalysis in Clinical Social Work (AAPCSW). The organization holds a bi-annual national conferences as well as numerous annual state and area meetings in 16 area chapters. These conferences provide sessions on theory, technique and research.

[edit] Psychoanalysis in Britain
The London Psychoanalytical Society was founded by Ernest Jones on 30 October 1913. With the expansion of psychoanalysis in the United Kingdom the Society was renamed the British Psychoanalytical Society in 1919. Soon after, the Institute of Psychoanalysis was established to administer the Society’s activities. These include: the training of psychoanalysts, the development of the theory and practice of psychoanalysis, the provision of treatment through The London Clinic of Psychoanalysis, the publication of books in The New Library of Psychoanalysis and Psychoanalytic Ideas. The Institute of Psychoanalysis also publishes The International Journal of Psychoanalysis, maintains a library, furthers research, and holds public lectures. The Society has a Code of Ethics and an Ethical Committee. The Society, the Institute and the Clinic are all located at Byron House.

The Society is a component of the International Psychoanalytical Association, a body with members on all five continents that safeguards professional and ethical practice. The Society is a member of the British Psychoanalytic Council (BPC); the BPC publishes a register of British psychoanalysts and psychoanalytical psychotherapists. All members of the British Psychoanalytical Society are required to undertake continuing professional development.

Through its work – and the work of its individual members – the British Psychoanalytical Society has made an unrivalled contribution the understanding and treatment of mental illness. Members of the Society have included Michael Balint, Wilfred Bion, John Bowlby, Anna Freud, Melanie Klein, Joseph Sandler, and Donald Winnicott.

The Institute of Psychoanalysis is the foremost publisher of psychoanalytic literature. The 24-volume Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud was conceived, translated, and produced under the direction of the British Psychoanalytical Society. The Society, in conjunction with Random House, will soon publish a new, revised and expanded Standard Edition. With [The New Library of Psychoanalysis] the Institute continues to publish the books of leading theorists and practitioners. The International Journal of Psychoanalysis is published by the Institute of Psychoanalysis. Now in its 84th year, it has one of the largest circulation of any psychoanalytic journal.

[edit] Research
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Over a hundred years of case reports and studies in the journal Modern Psychoanalysis, the Psychoanalytic Quarterly, the International Journal of Psychoanalysis and the Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association have analyzed efficacy of analysis in cases of neurosis and character or personality problems. Psychoanalysis modified by object relations techniques has been shown to be effective in many cases of ingrained problems of intimacy and relationship (cf. the many books of Otto Kernberg). As a therapeutic treatment, psychoanalytic techniques may be useful in a one-session consultation.[45] Psychoanalytic treatment, in other situations, may run from about a year to many years, depending on the severity and complexity of the pathology.

Psychoanalytic theory has, from its inception, been the subject of criticism and controversy. Freud remarked on this early in his career, when other physicians in Vienna ostracized him for his findings that hysterical conversion symptoms were not limited to women. Challenges to analytic theory began with Otto Rank and Adler (turn of the 20th century), continued with behaviorists (e.g. Wolpe) into the 1940s and ’50s, and have persisted. Criticisms come from those who object to the notion that there are mechanisms, thoughts or feelings in the mind that could be unconscious. Criticisms also have been leveled against the discovery of « infantile sexuality » (the recognition that children between ages two and six imagine things about procreation). Criticisms of theory have led to variations in analytic theories, such as the work of Fairbairn, Balint, and Bowlby. In the past 30 years or so, the criticisms have centered on the issue of empirical verification,[46] in spite of many empirical, prospective research studies that have been empirically validated (e.g., See the studies of Barbara Milrod, at Cornell University Medical School, et al.[citation needed]).

Psychoanalysis has been used as a research tool into childhood development (cf. the journal The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child), and has developed into a flexible, effective treatment for certain mental disturbances.[47] In the 1960s, Freud’s early (1905) thoughts on the childhood development of female sexuality were challenged; this challenge led to major research in the 1970s and 80s, and then to a reformulation of female sexual development that corrected some of Freud’s concepts.[48] Also see the various works of Eleanor Galenson, Nancy Chodorow, Karen Horney, Francoise Dolto, Melanie Klein, Selma Fraiberg, and others. Most recently, psychoanalytic researchers who have integrated attachment theory into their work, including Alicia Lieberman, Susan Coates, and Daniel Schechter have explored the role of parental traumatization in the development of young children’s mental representations of self and others.[49]

A 2005 review of randomized controlled trials found that « psychoanalytic therapy is (1) more effective than no treatment or treatment as usual, and (2) more effective than shorter forms of psychodynamic therapy ».[50] Empirical research on the efficacy of psychoanalysis and psychoanalytic psychotherapy has also become prominent among psychoanalytic researchers.

Research on psychodynamic treatment of some populations shows mixed results. Research by analysts such as Bertram Karon and colleagues at Michigan State University had suggested that when trained properly, psychodynamic therapists can be effective with schizophrenic patients. More recent research casts doubt on these claims. The Schizophrenia Patient Outcomes Research Team (PORT) report argues in its Recommendation 22 against the use of psychodynamic therapy in cases of schizophrenia, noting that more trials are necessary to verify its effectiveness. However, the PORT recommendation is based on the opinions of clinicians rather than on empirical data, and empirical data exist that contradict this recommendation (link to abstract).

A review of current medical literature in The Cochrane Library, (the updated abstract of which is available online) reached the conclusion that no data exist that demonstrate that psychodynamic psychotherapy is effective in treating schizophrenia. Dr. Hyman Spotnitz and the practitioners of his theory known as Modern Psychoanalysis, a specific sub-specialty, still report (2007) much success in using their enhanced version of psychoanalytic technique in the treatment of schizophrenia. Further data also suggest that psychoanalysis is not effective (and possibly even detrimental) in the treatment of sex offenders. Experiences of psychoanalysts and psychoanalytic psychotherapists and research into infant and child development have led to new insights. Theories have been further developed and the results of empirical research are now more integrated in the psychoanalytic theory.[51]

There are different forms of psychoanalysis and psychotherapies in which psychoanalytic thinking is practiced. Besides classical psychoanalysis there is for example psychoanalytic psychotherapy. Other examples of well known therapies which also use insights of psychoanalysis are Mentalization-Based Treatment (MBT), and Transference-Focused Psychotherapy (TFP).[51] There is also a continuing influence of psychoanalytic thinking in different settings in the mental health care.[52] To give an example: in the psychotherapeutic training in the Netherlands, psychoanalytic and system therapeutic theories, drafts, and techniques are combined and integrated. Other psychoanalytic schools include the Kleinian, Lacanian, and Winnicottian schools.

[edit] Criticism
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Both Freud and psychoanalysis have been criticized in very extreme terms.[53] Exchanges between critics and defenders of psychoanalysis have often been so heated that they have come to be characterized as the Freud Wars. Karl Popper argued that psychoanalysis is a pseudoscience because its claims are not testable and cannot be refuted; that is, they are not falsifiable.[54] For example, if a client’s reaction was not consistent with the psychosexual theory then an alternate explanation would be given (e.g. defense mechanisms, reaction formation). Karl Kraus, an Austrian satirist, was the subject of a book written by noted libertarian author Thomas Szasz. The book Anti-Freud: Karl Kraus’s Criticism of Psychoanalysis and Psychiatry, originally published under the name Karl Kraus and the Soul Doctors, portrayed Kraus as a harsh critic of Sigmund Freud and of psychoanalysis in general. Other commentators, such as Edward Timms, author of Karl Kraus – Apocalyptic Satirist, have argued that Kraus respected Freud, though with reservations about the application of some of his theories, and that his views were far less black-and-white than Szasz suggests.

Grünbaum argues that psychoanalytic based theories are falsifiable, but that the causal claims of psychoanalysis are unsupported by the available clinical evidence. Other schools of psychology have produced alternative methods for psychotherapy, including behavior therapy, cognitive therapy, Gestalt therapy and person-centered psychotherapy. Hans Eysenck determined that improvement was no greater than spontaneous remission.[citation needed] Between two-thirds and three-fourths of “neurotics” would recover naturally; this was no different from therapy clients. Prioleau, Murdock, Brody reviewed several therapy-outcome studies and determined that psychotherapy is not different from placebo controls.

Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze, as a sociological analysis without meaning to criticize,[citation needed] claimed that the institution of psychoanalysis has become a center of power and that its confessional techniques resemble the Christian tradition.[55] Strong criticism of certain forms of psychoanalysis is offered by psychoanalytical theorists. Jacques Lacan criticized the emphasis of some American and British psychoanalytical traditions on what he has viewed as the suggestion of imaginary « causes » for symptoms, and recommended the return to Freud.[56] Together with Gilles Deleuze, Félix Guattari criticised the Oedipal structure.[57] Luce Irigaray criticised psychoanalysis, employing Jacques Derrida’s concept of phallogocentrism to describe the exclusion of the woman from Freudian and Lacanian psychoanalytical theories.[58]

Due to the wide variety of psychoanalytic theories, varying schools of psychoanalysis often internally criticize each other. One consequence is that some critics offer criticism of specific ideas present only in one or more theories, rather than in all of psychoanalysis while not rejecting other premises of psychoanalysis. Defenders of psychoanalysis argue that many critics (such as feminist critics of Freud) have attempted to offer criticisms of psychoanalysis that were in fact only criticisms of specific ideas present only in one or more theories, rather than in all of psychoanalysis. As the psychoanalytic researcher Drew Westen puts it, « Critics have typically focused on a version of psychoanalytic theory—circa 1920 at best—that few contemporary analysts find compelling. In so doing, however, they have set the terms of the public debate and have led many analysts, I believe mistakenly, down an indefensible path of trying to defend a 75 to 100-year-old version of a theory and therapy that has changed substantially since Freud laid its foundations at the turn of the century. »[59] A further consideration with respect to cost is that in circumstances when lower cost treatment is provided to the patient as the analyst is funded by the government, then psychoanalytic treatment occurs at the expense other forms of more effective treatment.[60]

Freud’s psychoanalysis was criticized by his wife, Martha. René Laforgue reported Martha Freud saying, « I must admit that if I did not realize how seriously my husband takes his treatments, I should think that psychoanalysis is a form of pornography. » To Martha there was something vulgar about psychoanalysis, and she dissociated herself from it. According to Marie Bonaparte, Martha was upset with her husband’s work and his treatment of sexuality.[61]

[edit] Charges of fascism
Deleuze and Guattari, in their 1972 work Anti-Œdipus, take the cases of Gérard Mendel, Bela Grunberger and Janine Chasseguet-Smirgel, prominent members of the most respected associations (IPa), to suggest that, traditionally, psychoanalysis enthusiastically embraces a police state:[62]

“ As to those who refuse to be oedipalized in one form or another, at one end or the other in the treatment, the psychoanalyst is there to call the asylum or the police for help. The police on our side!—never did psychoanalysis better display its taste for supporting the movement of social repression, and for participating in it with enthusiasm. [...] notice of the dominant tone in the most respected associations: consider Dr. Mendel and the Drs Stéphane, the state of fury that is theirs, and their literally police-like appeal at the thought that someone might try to escape the Oedipal dragnet. Oedipus is one of those things that becomes all the more dangerous the less people believe in it; then the cops are there to replace the high priests. ”

Dr. Bela Grunberger and Dr. Janine Chasseguet-Smirgel were two psychoanalysts from the Paris section of the International Psychoanalytical Association (IPa). In November 1968, disguising themselves under the pseudonym André Stéphane, they published L’univers Contestationnaire, in which they assumed that the left-wing rioters of May 68 were totalitarian stalinists, and psychoanalyzed them saying that they were affected by a sordid infantilism caught up in an Oedipal revolt against the Father.[63][64]

Notably Lacan, mentioned this book with great disdain. While Grunberger and Chasseguet-Smirgel were still disguised under the pseudonym, Lacan remarked that for sure none of the authors belonged to his school, as none would debase themselves to such low drivel.[65] The IPa analysts responded accusing the Lacan school of « intellectual terrorism ».[63] Gérard Mendel, had instead published La révolte contre le père (1968) and Pour décoloniser l’enfant (1971).

[edit] Scientific criticism
Peter Medawar, an immunologist, said in 1975 that psychoanalysis is the « most stupendous intellectual confidence trick of the twentieth century ».[53] Early critics of psychoanalysis believed that its theories were based too little on quantitative and experimental research, and too much on the clinical case study method. Some even accused Freud of fabrication, most famously in the case of Anna O. (Borch-Jacobsen 1996). An increasing amount of empirical research from academic psychologists and psychiatrists has begun to address this criticism. A survey of scientific research suggested that while personality traits corresponding to Freud’s oral, anal, Oedipal, and genital phases can be observed, they do not necessarily manifest as stages in the development of children. These studies also have not confirmed that such traits in adults result from childhood experiences (Fisher & Greenberg, 1977, p. 399). However, these stages should not be viewed as crucial to modern psychoanalysis. What is crucial to modern psychoanalytic theory and practice is the power of the unconscious and the transference phenomenon.

The idea of « unconscious » is contested because human behavior can be observed while human mental activity has to be inferred. However, the unconscious is now a popular topic of study in the fields of experimental and social psychology (e.g., implicit attitude measures, fMRI, and PET scans, and other indirect tests). The idea of unconscious, and the transference phenomenon, have been widely researched and, it is claimed, validated in the fields of cognitive psychology and social psychology (Westen & Gabbard 2002), though a Freudian interpretation of unconscious mental activity is not held by the majority of cognitive psychologists. Recent developments in neuroscience have resulted in one side arguing that it has provided a biological basis for unconscious emotional processing in line with psychoanalytic theory i.e., neuropsychoanalysis (Westen & Gabbard 2002), while the other side argues that such findings make psychoanalytic theory obsolete and irrelevant.

E. Fuller Torrey, writing in Witchdoctors and Psychiatrists (1986), stated that psychoanalytic theories have no more scientific basis than the theories of traditional native healers, « witchdoctors » or modern « cult » alternatives such as est.[66] Some scientists regard psychoanalysis as a pseudoscience (Cioffi, 1998). Among philosophers, Karl Popper argued that Freud’s theory of the unconscious was not falsifiable and therefore not scientific.[54] Popper did not object to the idea that some mental processes could be unconscious but to investigations of the mind that were not falsifiable. In other words, if it were possible to connect every conceivable experimental outcome with Freud’s theory of the unconscious mind, then no experiment could refute the theory. Noam Chomsky has also criticized psychoanalysis for lacking a scientific basis.[67]

Mario Bunge, an epistemologist from McGill University, Canada, says that the psychoanalysis is pseudoscience, mostly because of its lack of coherence or correspondence with other well-established branches of science, like neurology, neurophysiology and psychiatry.

Some proponents of psychoanalysis suggest that its concepts and theories are more akin to those found in the humanities than those proper to the physical and biological/medical sciences, though Freud himself tried to base his clinical formulations on a hypothetical neurophysiology of energy transformations. For example, the philosopher Paul Ricoeur argued that psychoanalysis can be considered a type of textual interpretation or hermeneutics. Like cultural critics and literary scholars, Ricoeur contended, psychoanalysts spend their time interpreting the nuances of language — the language of their patients. Ricoeur claimed that psychoanalysis emphasizes the polyvocal or many-voiced qualities of language, focusing on utterances that mean more than one thing. Ricoeur classified psychoanalysis as a hermeneutics of suspicion. By this he meant that psychoanalysis searches for deception in language, and thereby destabilizes our usual reliance on clear, obvious meanings. Supporting criticism regarding the validity of psychoanalytic therapeutic technique, numerous outcome studies have shown that its efficacy is related to the quality of the therapist, rather than the psychoanalytic school or technique or training[68], while a french 2004 report from INSERM says instead, that psychoanalysis therapy is far less effective than other psychotherapies (among which Cognitive behavioral therapy).

[edit] Theoretical criticism
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Some theoretical criticism of psychoanalysis is based on the argument that it is over simplistic and reductive, because it reduces everything to the idea that we are all driven by our sexuality and does not take into consideration other factors.[citation needed] For example: class, political ideology, ecosystem or even spirituality.[citation needed] People like the Freudo-Marxist Wilhelm Reich redress this, as does Carl Gustav Jung[citation needed] by factoring in economic and political factors (such as relationship to the means of production in the case of Reich), culture and ideas like the paranormal in the case of Jung respectively. However, there is no clean break between the theories of Freud and Jung. For example, Jung’s theories on alchemy as externalised individuation were rooted in Freud’s ideas on projection but factored in culture and spiritual teachings. Psychoanalysts have often complained about the significant lack of theoretical agreement among analysts of different schools. Many authors have attempted to integrate the various theories, with limited success. However, with the publication of the Psychodynamic Diagnostic Manual much of this lack of cohesion has been resolved.

Jacques Derrida incorporated aspects of psychoanalytic theory into deconstruction in order to question what he called the ‘metaphysics of presence’. Freud’s insistence, in the first chapter of The Ego and the Id, that philosophers will recoil from his theory of the unconscious is clearly a forbear to Derrida’s understanding of metaphysical ’self-presence’. Derrida also turns some of these ideas against Freud, to reveal tensions and contradictions in his work. These tensions are the conditions upon which Freud’s work can operate. For example, although Freud defines religion and metaphysics as displacements of the identification with the father in the resolution of the Oedipal complex, Derrida insists in The Postcard: From Socrates to Freud and Beyond that the prominence of the father in Freud’s own analysis is itself indebted to the prominence given to the father in Western metaphysics and theology since Plato. Thus Derrida thinks that even though Freud remains within a theologico-metaphysical traditio of ‘phallologocentrism’, Freud nonetheless criticizes that tradition.

The purpose of Derrida’s analysis is not to refute Freud, which would only reaffirm traditional metaphysics[why?], but to reveal an undecidability at the heart of his project. This deconstruction of Freud casts doubt upon the possibility of delimiting psychoanalysis as a rigorous science. Yet it celebrates the side of Freud which emphasises the open-ended and improvisatory nature of psychoanalysis, and its methodical and ethical demand that the testimony of the analysand should be given prominence in the practice of analysis. Psychoanalysis, or at least the dominant version of it, has been denounced as patriarchal or phallocentric by some proponents of feminist theory.[citation needed] Other feminist scholars have argued that Freud opened up society to female sexuality, with French feminism based on psychoanalysis.

Some post-colonialists argue that psychoanalysis imposes a white, European model of human development on those without European heritage, hence they will argue Freud’s theories are a form or instrument of intellectual imperialism.

Freud’s psychology based analysis of Michelangelo’s Moses has received attention from several critics. Some critics have an appreciation for Freud’s interpretation because of the popularity of his psychoanalytical theories. Some find that his psychological approach is a unique way to analyze a piece of art.

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